U.S. Representative Steve King’s clout has taken big hits lately. He won his ninth term in Congress by only a 3.3 percent margin in Iowa’s most conservative district (partisan voter index of R+11). Once-staunch allies like Governor Kim Reynolds sought to distance themselves from his toxic racism. The leader of his caucus stripped him of all House committee assignments.

Three other Republicans announced plans to seek the 2020 nomination in the fourth district, and campaign finance reports filed on April 15 confirmed that many heavy hitters are backing King’s best-known challenger, State Senator Randy Feenstra.

The incumbent’s recent fundraising and campaign spending would suggest that he’s not concerned about his re-election prospects.

But in other ways, King is working diligently to maintain support among the conservatives he needs to continue his political career. Fortunately for him, taxpayers are bankrolling much of that outreach.

LITTLE DISCERNIBLE EFFORT TO RAISE MONEY

King’s never been a strong fundraiser, other than in 2012, when he faced Christie Vilsack in a substantially redrawn district. The Center for Responsive Politics’ OpenSecrets database shows that King raised and spent more than $3.7 million for his 2012 re-election bid, far more than he had spent on any previous Congressional race. He spent less than $1 million during the 2018 election cycle, when Democratic challenger J.D. Scholten spent more than $3 million.

Even by King’s standards, his first-quarter 2019 filing with the Federal Election Commission was embarrassing. His campaign reported $61,666.52 in contributions, a remarkably low number for an entrenched Congressional incumbent. Most of the money came from individuals; $37,081.52 was unitemized (gifts of less than $200) and $20,585.00 represented itemized contributions. Only one donor maxed out to King, and a handful of others (including Don Lamberti) gave $2,000 or more. Two political action committees affiliated with other far-right House Republicans each gave $2,000.

I’ve heard of high burn rates, but I can’t recall seeing an incumbent’s campaign spend more than it raised this early in an election cycle. King reported $68,476.99 in expenditures during the first three months of the year. Wages for his son and daughter-in-law, Jeff and Lindsay King, were the largest expense. As has been his practice every cycle but 2012–when he hired pros to manage his race against Vilsack–King has relied primarily on relatives to run his campaigns.

King ended the quarter with just $18,385.34 cash on hand. I wonder whether any House members seeking re-election have less money in the bank.

Feenstra filed a more impressive FEC report: $260,442 in contributions, of which $252,942.00 came from individuals and $7,500 came from three corporate PACs.

Noteworthy donors to Feenstra included:

Many “usual suspect” Iowa GOP donors maxed out to Feenstra, such as Joe Crookham, Kyle Krause, and John Smith. Oddly, Bruce Rastetter (a prominent supporter of Bertrand in the 2016 primary) has not donated yet.

Feenstra’s campaign spent $20,631.42 during the first quarter and reported $239,683.77 cash on hand as of March 31.

Worth noting: many contributors gave Feenstra more than the $2,800 maximum amount for a primary election. By my count, $42,850 in his campaign account is restricted for use during the 2020 general election, meaning Feenstra can’t spend it to win the primary and will have to refund it if he does not win the nomination. That leaves the challenger with nearly $197,000 available, more than ten times King’s cash on hand.

Woodbury County Supervisor Jeremy Taylor reported raising $57,728.85, all from individuals. Regina Roth, who along with her husband has been a major donor to many Iowa Republican candidates, gave Taylor $2,700. The campaign spent $7,663.58 during the first quarter, leaving $50,065.27 cash on hand. Taylor can spend all of that before the primary election.

UPDATE: Gavin Aronsen posted a more comprehensive look at the candidates’ fundraising at Iowa Informer, with a focus on former King donors who have given to either Feenstra or Taylor this year. A source in Sioux City speculates that some of Taylor’s contributors may be King loyalists who want to split the opposition vote in the primary.

The other declared Republican candidate in IA-04 is Bret Richards, an Army veteran and former business owner. FEC records show Richards loaned his campaign $48,000, donated $2,145 of his own funds, and raised $17,556.05 from other contributors, mostly relatives. The campaign spent $28,416.96 during the reporting period, including $22,500 for “market testing,” and had $37,139.09 cash on hand as of March 31.

That’s right: not one, not two, but all three Republican challengers ended the first quarter with more cash on hand than the nine-term incumbent.

Will it matter? Feenstra supporter Kochel put his best spin on the numbers.

I'm told if you include un-itemized contributions, @RandyFeenstra has 525 contributions from 490 donors. I'm assuming the un-itemized are almost all in-district since they're usually small donors coming to events. @SteveKingIA has a real problem on his hands. #IA04

— David Kochel (@ddkochel) April 16, 2019

Having a few hundred more donors doesn’t strike me as significant, given that 45,000 people cast ballots in the 2016 primary to represent IA-04. If two or three challengers file, King can win the nomination with only a plurality of votes.

Even if Feenstra scares off the competition and manages to position himself as King’s sole rival, he will need to work hard and spend heavily just to raise his name ID. The 39 counties in IA-04 span a huge geographical area and six media markets. Feenstra is barely known outside his own Iowa Senate district, and he is the opposite of battle-tested, having never faced a competitive primary or general election.

The irony is that Feenstra’s financial advantage could play into King’s preferred narrative: he is the brave truth-teller, while his critics are part of the politically correct establishment in Des Moines and Washington, DC. It’s a pretty good shtick for conservatives, who will cast most of the votes in the Republican primary. King is already taking that message on the road.

SHORING UP SUPPORT IN REDDEST COUNTIES

Scholten frequently criticized King last year for not showing up around the district. Whereas the Democratic nominee held at least three public events in each IA-04 county, the incumbent was less accessible to constituents.

King’s polling numbers declined in October as his bigotry and links to racist politicians in other countries made national headlines, and Scholten and an outside group were running unanswered television commercials. The incumbent had to scramble to get a recycled spot from 2014 on the air for the last few days before the election. In a district with 70,000 more registered Republicans than Democrats, King ended up winning by 157,676 votes to 147,246 (50.3 percent to 47.0 percent).

Click on any county on this interactive map to see how IA-04 residents voted for Congress and governor in 2018. King underperformed everywhere, receiving about 30,000 fewer votes than Reynolds district-wide.

Bleeding Heartland continues to catch up on the legislature’s significant actions during the session that ended on April 27. Previous posts related to the work of the Iowa House or Senate can be found here.

Republicans showed little interest in amending the Iowa Constitution during the 2019 session. Only one amendment passed both chambers. If and when that proposal appears on a statewide ballot, it will spark a costly and divisive campaign about gun rights and regulations.

The Senate and House debate over the pro-gun amendment is the focus of the first half of this post. Arguments raised on both sides will surely return in future television commercials and mass mailings.

The rest of the post reviews this year’s unsuccessful attempts to change the constitution. One amendment (backed by Governor Kim Reynolds) made it through the Iowa House, and four others advanced from a House or Senate committee but did not come up for a floor vote. The rest did not get through a committee, even though some of the same ideas went further last year.

THROUGH BOTH CHAMBERS AND HALFWAY TO APPEARING ON A STATEWIDE BALLOT

Altering Iowa’s constitution is a lengthy process. Two separately elected legislatures must approve identical language. Then the proposed amendment must receive a majority vote on a statewide ballot.

Any amendment approved this year or during the 2020 legislative session will need to clear the Iowa House and Senate again in 2021 or 2022 in order to go before voters in 2022.

Expansive pro-gun amendment

Senate Joint Resolution 10, later renamed Senate Joint Resolution 18, represents the second attempt to add the right to keep and bear arms to Iowa’s constitution.

The right of an individual to acquire, keep, possess, transport, carry, transfer, and use arms to defend life and liberty and for all other legitimate purposes is fundamental and shall not be infringed upon or denied. Mandatory licensing, registration, or special taxation as a condition of the exercise of this right is prohibited, and any other restriction shall be subject to strict scrutiny.

Republicans approved the same language in 2018, so in theory, the amendment should have been on the 2020 general election ballot. However, Iowa Secretary of State Paul Pate’s staff failed to publish the amendment in newspapers around the state before the 2018 election, forcing the legislature to start the process over. (The same thing happened during the last decade, delaying adoption of a less controversial amendment.)

This year’s debates on the pro-gun amendment played out just like last year. Democrats in both chambers advocated replicating language from the Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. Republicans insisted on wording that would require courts to subject any firearms regulations to heightened scrutiny.

The Senate took up the resolution on March 13 (video here). State Senator Brad Zaun, the floor manager, dodged questions from Democratic Senator Herman Quirmbach about whether his intent was to prevent the state legislature from regulating bump stocks or bazookas.

Democratic State Senator Tony Bisignano offered two amendments, which were voted down along party lines. The first would have added the Second Amendment language identically to the Iowa Constitution. The second would have kept most of the Republican-proposed amendment, striking the words “Any and all restrictions of this right shall be subject to strict scrutiny.”

Democratic Senator Bill Dotzler gave one of the most compelling speeches during the floor debate. He began by describing himself as an Army veteran and “owner of pistols, shotguns, crossbows, rifles” who is a “firm defender of the Second Amendment.”

My partial transcript:

What we’re talking about here is basically what strict scrutiny means. […]

So, my experience in the legislature has taught me this: words matter, and the words that you put into law can be interpreted different from what legislators think.

In the late 1990s, an Iowa House bill created an incentive for businesses to locate in “enterprise zones.” Dotzler asked in committee: what if a business from outside the enterprise zone moves into one of those zones, creating a depressed area in the former location? Would the state of Iowa be giving them extra incentives to move?

“And they [Republicans] said, well no, that’s not our intent, and we don’t mean that at all. And I said, well, this isn’t defined very well.”

After Governor Terry Branstad signed that bill into law, a company called Waterloo Industries left a depressed area and received incentives for moving into an enterprise zone.

And it was challenged [in court]. The Attorney General’s office went and said no, that was the intent of the legislature. It was ok to do that. It was fine.

That isn’t what the discussion was in committee!

That’s what attorneys do. They look at the words and they–I don’t think it makes a lot of difference here what you’re saying, unless you define it. And Senator Zaun, you didn’t define it. You just said, well, it isn’t your intent, it’s up to the people of Iowa to decide.

Dotzler expressed doubt that the people who could be voting on this amendment in 2022 will understand what strict scrutiny means, because “it’s too complicated to explain in a 30-second ad.”

So, if you know what it is and what your intent is, then let us know, because I’m deeply concerned.

Before retiring from John Deere, Dotzler worked with some people who had alcohol problems or mental illness or were abusing their wives. Like convicted felons, such people shouldn’t have weapons, he said. Under current law, we can stop that from happening.

Now, there are plenty of people in Iowa that are looking at the terminology “strict scrutiny” and thinking that your intent is that every person has a right to a weapon no matter what. That’s what I think it means. Every person. We don’t need background checks. We aren’t going to check to see if there’s a record on somebody. You can just buy a weapon anywhere. That’s what I believe it means. I haven’t heard anybody say any different. […]

What we do here matters, and I think you’re just throwing a jump ball up in the air to get my fellow gun owners worked up about something that makes them believe that this Democrat sitting in this seat don’t care about their inalienable rights to have a weapon, which I do. Because I own more than most. I don’t hunt, but I enjoy going to the range and utilizing them. Because I believe in my right of freedom, and I believe in protecting myself.

But I also believe that there are people that shouldn’t have weapons, and they shouldn’t have a right to them. And that’s what this debate’s about, and this is where I think you’re wrong. Because you haven’t really clarified what you mean. And I think you better.

In his closing remarks, Zaun denied that the resolution would allow domestic abusers or people with felony convictions to own firearms. He denied that there are “loopholes” at gun shows in Iowa. He goes to them regularly and always has to show his ID and permit to purchase a weapon.

Why demand strict scrutiny language? “We’re trying to give the power to the citizens of the state of Iowa to decide how important their Second Amendment rights are,” Zaun said.

Senators approved the constitutional amendment by 33 votes to 16, with Democrat Rich Taylor joining all the Republicans to support it.

Later the same day, the Iowa House took up the companion bill, House Joint Resolution 3. I clipped the relevant part of opening remarks by Republican State Representative Matt Windschitl, the floor manager.

Windschitl acknowledged that in the three other states with strict scrutiny language, there have been some lawsuits challenging restrictions. But he claimed courts in those states have not overturned the regulations.

It’s not overturned their permitting process. It’s not allowed felons to have firearms. It’s not putting firearms in the hands of domestic abusers. None of that. It has not happened. What makes us think that somehow in the great state of Iowa, our judiciary is going to view it any differently? […]

The strict scrutiny standard is simple, and here’s why I believe that we need it. We are on a constant endeavor to protect Iowans. We are on a constant endeavor to make sure they’re taken care of. Let’s give them the fundamental protections for this natural right that they need so that they can protect themselves, and let’s make sure that the government does not infringe upon that right.

Several House Democrats spoke against the amendment. State Representative Scott Ourth–who voted for a major pro-gun bill in 2017–warned that the GOP’s preferred language would make the issue needlessly controversial. Iowans might vote down Windschitl’s proposal, but they would overwhelmingly approve of the Democratic alternative: replicating Second Amendment language ing our state constitution.

It’s rare for members of the majority to speak against their own party’s bill. But State Representative Andy McKean, who was still a Republican in March, laid out the most detailed case against the GOP version. Like Ourth, he said he supported the Second Amendment. At the same time, he had “strong reservations about forcing judges to apply the strict scrutiny language to any and all gun-related legislation.”

Of the 44 states that have some version of a right to keep and bear arms in their constitutions, only three (Louisiana, Alabama, and Missouri) call for strict scrutiny, McKean noted. Eight states have rejected adding such language to their constitutions in recent years (South Dakota, Oklahoma, Illinois, Minnesota, Montana, Indiana, Florida, and Tennessee). Why?

Number one is the expense. The three states that require strict scrutiny for firearm legislation have become testing grounds for challenges to existing regulations, an expensive experiment for taxpayers. Laws that have challenged at considerable expense to the taxpayer including the following: felon and possession laws, a state law imposing a sentencing enhancement for the use of a firearm during kidnapping, a law prohibiting the possession of firearms while distributing drugs, and a law prohibiting possession by parolees with felony convictions.

Litigating such cases has cost millions of dollars. The fiscal note on Tennessee’s proposed law found that each lawsuit would cost the state $100,000. Criminal defendants have brought numerous frivolous suits.

Public safety was another concern, McKean said. Some of the lawsuits caused criminal prosecutions to be put on hold.

Another concern is treating the Second Amendment differently from our other Bill of Rights. Varying degrees of scrutiny are applied to all the other fundamental Bill of Rights protections. The Fourth Amendment is the most obvious example. Search or seizure has to be reasonable, not necessary to serve a compelling state interest.

The Eighth Amendment bars cruel and unusual punishment, but doesn’t require the government to justify the punishment as necessary to serve a compelling state interest.

And reasonable time, place, and manner restrictions are placed on speech in public areas where the rights of the speaker may come into conflict with the rights of others.

Requiring strict scrutiny for the review of all firearm legislation fails to recognize that there are a wide variety of matters touching the Second Amendment that call for different levels of scrutiny and fly in the face of

In the landmark Heller decision recognizing individual Second Amendment rights, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected the idea that strict scrutiny should apply to all gun laws. In fact, Justice Scalia’s opinion identified many reasonable gun safety laws, like those that prevent dangerous people from accessing guns, and keeping guns out of the hands of felons, as presumptively lawful–a very different standard from strict scrutiny.

Noting that Windschitl had expressed concern for self-defense, McKean said courts had already determined that any law burdening the right to defend oneself in the home was subject to strict scrutiny.

But as we move outside the home, intermediate scrutiny–which is also a tough standard to satisfy–is appropriate, because public safety interests merit increased protection.

By way of example, McKean mentioned permitting requirements for carrying a concealed weapon, minimum age requirements for buying or carrying firearms, barring people with felony convictions or domestic abusers from owning firearms, sentencing enhancements for using a firearm in the commission of another crime. These have nothing to do with self-defense and should not be subjected to strict scrutiny. Iowans support reasonable regulations of firearms.

McKean joined Democrats to support Ourth’s amendment, which failed by 52 votes to 47. But the House vote on final passage went strictly along party lines, 53-46. (The following month, McKean joined the Democratic caucus.)

THROUGH ONE CHAMBER, STALLED IN THE OTHER

Restoring voting rights to Iowans who have completed felony sentences

Article II, Section 5 of Iowa’s constitution reads, “A person adjudged mentally incompetent to vote or a person convicted of any infamous crime shall not be entitled to the privilege of an elector.”

Governor Reynolds told state lawmakers in January,

Our constitution takes away the voting rights of anyone convicted of a felony. Forever.

Only two other state constitutions have a similar provision, and last November, the people of Florida voted to remove their ban.

Through the power of clemency, the governor can restore those rights, and I have done that 88 times since taking office.

But I don’t believe that voting rights should be forever stripped, and I don’t believe restoration should be in the hands of a single person. […]

Our founders gave us a process to amend the constitution, should the passage of time change our view. Let’s begin that process now. I believe Iowans recognize the power of redemption; let’s put this issue in their hands.

The governor’s office recommended the text later named House Joint Resolution 14. It would change Article II, Section 5 to read as follows:

Disqualified persons. A person adjudged mentally incompetent to vote or a person convicted of any infamous crime felony who has not discharged his or her sentence shall not be entitled to the privilege of an elector.

Democratic State Representative Mary Wolfe had introduced a different approach to reach the same goal. Her proposal was never assigned to a subcommittee, and Wolfe endorsed the governor’s preferred language.

The House Judiciary Committee unanimously approved the constitutional amendment in early March. A few weeks later, the full chamber approved changing the felon disenfranchisement language by 95 votes to 2. Republicans Dean Fisher and Jon Jacobsen were the only opponents.

Within days, an Iowa Senate subcommittee advanced the bill. But it went no further.

Senate Judiciary Committee chair Zaun was skeptical from the beginning about automatic restoration of voting rights for Iowans with felony convictions. He introduced a bill stating,

A person shall not be considered to have discharged a sentence for purposes of Article II, section 5, of the Constitution of the State of Iowa unless the person has paid all restitution, court costs, fines, surcharges, or penalties the person owes as a result of the person’s conviction and has been removed from the sex offender registry established in chapter 692A.

Zaun’s bill didn’t go anywhere, but his concerns carried the day. He declined to bring the constitutional amendment up for a full committee vote in time for the legislature’s second “funnel” deadline on April 5. Stephen Gruber-Miller and Barbara Rodriguez reported for the Des Moines Register,

Zaun, R-Urbandale, said he had told Reynolds on Thursday [April 4] that the Senate effort would be “an uphill climb” hampered by the lack of a second bill to clarify what it would mean for felons to have completed their sentences.

“This language, I believe, was not clear enough, and there was not any parameters in regards to what those restoration of those voting rights were,” he said.

Zaun said he expects to take up the issue again next year. He said he knows it was one of Reynolds’ top legislative priorities for the current session, but that it lacks support from Republicans on the Judiciary Committee.

“I’ve been down here a long time. There’s been many governors that didn’t get everything they wanted,” he said. “This is a process.”

Reynolds sounds willing to cut a deal during the 2020 session. After the legislature adjourned, the governor told KCCI-TV and WHO-TV she was disappointed the measure didn’t pass the Senate. She noted that some House members had said during the floor debate that there should be some restrictions–for instance, maybe people who had committed the most serious crimes would not qualify. She’d be willing to work with House and Senate Republicans before next year to find consensus language on “carve-outs” for people who should never get their right to vote back.

I hope the governor doesn’t agree to requirements that would be tantamount to a poll tax (such as denying voting rights to anyone with unpaid fees). She could increase her leverage by making clear that she will act unilaterally to create an automatic restoration process if the legislature does not act.

THROUGH ONE HOUSE OR SENATE COMMITTEE

Committees approved four other state constitutional amendments this year. Leaders didn’t bring any of these joint resolutions to a vote in the full chamber, but all will be eligible for House or Senate floor debate during the 2020 legislative session.

Allowing the governor to name a new lieutenant governor

The House and Senate both approved a constitutional amendment in 2018 with language on the gubernatorial line of succession. The concept was to clarify that if a governor leaves office before the end of the term, the lieutenant governor who assumes the governor’s powers may appoint a new lieutenant governor.

As with the pro-gun amendment, failure to publish the measure in newspapers around the state before last year’s election forced lawmakers to start the process from scratch.

House State Government Committee chair Bobby Kaufmann proposed House Joint Resolution 6 and shepherded the bill through his committee.

The Senate State Government Committee unanimously approved a companion measure, Senate Joint Resolution 19, in February.

No right to an abortion

In June 2018, the Iowa Supreme Court struck down a law mandating a 72-hour waiting period for abortions, on the grounds that it violated women’s due process rights and equal protection guaranteed under the state constitution.

Republicans drafted Senate Joint Resolution 9, later renamed Senate Joint Resolution 21, in response. The measure would add the following language to Article I:

Sec.26. No right to abortion or required funding of abortion. The Constitution of the State of Iowa does not secure or protect a right to abortion or require the funding of abortion.

This resolution came out of the Senate State Government Committee on a party-line 10 to 5 vote in early March. For reasons that remain unclear, it never came to the Senate floor.

Although the 29 Senate GOP co-sponsors represented more than enough to pass the resolution, the three Republicans who did not co-sponsor the abortion measure had huge clout: Majority Leader Jack Whitver, Senate President Charles Schneider, and Assistant Majority leader Dan Zumbach. Nothing comes to the Senate floor without the leaders’ blessing.

Perhaps political considerations were a factor. Whitver just came out of a tough re-election campaign in the northern suburbs of Des Moines, and Democrats will target Schneider’s seat in the western suburbs in 2020. Voters in those communities, especially women, are predominantly pro-choice and have been drifting toward Democrats in recent years.

Sixteen House Republicans introduced a similar amendment, House Joint Resolution 5 (Sandy Salmon, Dean Fisher, Jeff Shipley, Stan Gustafson, Terry Baxter, Anne Osmundson, Skyler Wheeler, Tom Moore, Jon Jacobsen, Cecil Dolecheck, Rob Bacon, Tedd Gassman, Phil Thompson, Tom Jeneary, Thomas Gerhold, and Steven Holt). No one on the House Republican leadership team co-sponsored that amendment, which is probably why it was referred to the House Judiciary Committee but never assigned to a subcommittee.

During a May 21 telephone interview, House Judiciary Committee chair Holt told Bleeding Heartland, “We haven’t checked to see if there’s the votes” to pass this measure in the House.

You know, obviously, as pro-life folks, we would like to see something done to somewhat negate what the [Iowa] Supreme Court had ruled, such as, basically an abortion neutrality amendment that would just make the constitution silent on the issue. But there hasn’t been a lot of discussion on it in the House this year.

I know that the Senate was working on it, and certainly I think it’s very possible it could come up next year. But there haven’t been any kind of discussions on it in the House.

Given that almost every Republican lawmaker voted for a near-total abortion ban in 2018, I’m surprised this constitutional amendment didn’t get more traction.

Super-majority requirement for tax increases

Republican Senator Jim Carlin introduced Senate Joint Resolution 16 (later renamed Senate Joint Resolution 22). It would require a two-thirds majority vote in both the Iowa House and Senate for any bill that alters individual income tax rates in a way that “results in a net increase in state tax revenue.” The Ways and Means Committee approved this resolution on a party-line vote during the second-to-last week of the legislature session.

Limiting state government spending

Zaun introduced Senate Joint Resolution 2, which would limit spending from the state’s general fund to the lesser of two numbers: 99 percent of the adjusted revenue estimate for the following fiscal year for the general fund, or 104 percent of the current fiscal year net revenue estimate for the general fund. Current law has a 99 percent general fund spending limitation, but not exactly like Zaun’s proposal. David Reynolds of the non-partisan Legislative Services Agency explained the differences in this fiscal note.

A Senate Appropriations subcommittee recommended passing this resolution. The full Appropriations Committee later approved it, renamed Senate Joint Resolution 20. All Republicans and two Democrats (Liz Mathis and Amanda Ragan) voted that resolution out of committee. Senate leaders never brought it up for a vote on the floor.

A different proposal to enshrine the 99 percent spending limit in Iowa’s constitution cleared the Iowa Senate with bipartisan support in 2017. Its champion was then Senate Majority Leader Bill Dix, who resigned in the middle of last year’s legislative session. For whatever reason, the current Senate leaders don’t share his passion for the issue.

THROUGH A SUBCOMMITTEE

Crime victims’ rights

Republican State Representatives Ashley Hinson and Megan Jones introduced House Joint Resolution 11, one version of the crime victims’ rights amendment known as “Marsy’s Law.” Although a House Judiciary subcommittee recommended passage with some changes, the full House committee never brought up the resolution.

A similar constitutional amendment made it through a House committee during the 2018 session but did not come up for a floor vote.

Democratic State Representative Marti Anderson introduced a different version of a crime victims’ rights amendment this year. As is typical for proposals from the minority party, Anderson’s legislation was never assigned to a subcommittee.

In the upper chamber, Republican Senator Zach Whiting introduced Senate Joint Resolution 8, a slightly different victims’ rights amendment. A Senate Judiciary subcommittee recommended amendment and passage, but it never came before the full Judiciary Committee.

DIDN’T MAKE IT THROUGH SUBCOMMITTEE

Home rule for school districts

Zaun is a prolific bill-filer. His Senate Joint Resolution 1 stated in part, “School districts are granted home rule power and authority, not inconsistent with the laws of the general assembly, to determine their local affairs and government, except that they shall not have power to levy any tax unless expressly authorized by the general assembly.” A subcommittee hearing was scheduled but there is no record of the bill passing that first stage.

Term limits for lawmakers

Republican Senator Dan Dawson introduced Senate Joint Resolution 3, limiting state legislators to sixteen years of service in the legislature (combined tenure in House and Senate). It was assigned to a State Government subcommittee but moved no further.

Whiting introduced Senate Joint Resolution 4, limiting Iowa House members to six two-year terms and state senators to three four-year terms. It also was assigned to a subcommittee but did not advance.

Republican Senator Jake Chapman introduced Senate Joint Resolution 7, would limit House members to four two-year terms, senators to two four-year terms, and most statewide elected offices (governor, lieutenant governor, secretary of state, state auditor, attorney general) to three four-year terms, For some reason Chapman didn’t deem it necessary to limit the tenure of the secretary of agriculture. Assigned to a subcommittee but never advanced.

Whiting also introduced Senate Joint Resolution 11, calling for an Article V convention to amend the U.S. Constitution to establish term limits for members of the U.S. House and Senate.

Republican Senator Jason Schultz introduced Senate Joint Resolution 15, calling for an Article V convention to “impose fiscal restraints on the federal government, limit the power and jurisdiction of the federal government, and limit the terms of office for its officials and for members of Congress.”

Term limits are never popular with incumbents. The proposals from Whiting and Schultz may have failed for an additional reason: the gun lobby opposes all Article V proposals, for fear a convention would produce unplanned changes to the Second Amendment.

Gender-neutral constitution

GOP Representative Hinson introduced House Joint Resolution 9, which would make references to the governor in our state’s founding document gender-neutral. It never was assigned to a subcommittee.

Democratic Senator Pam Jochum introduced Senate Joint Resolution 5, which would replace all male references in the Iowa Constitution with gender-neutral terms. This proposal was assigned to subcommittee but never got a hearing.

Campaign finance reform

Democratic Senator Kevin Kinney proposed Senate Joint Resolution 6, asking Congress to convene a convention under Article V of the U.S. Constitution “for the exclusive purpose” of proposing an amendment to respond to the U.S. Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision on campaign finance. It was assigned to three different subcommittees but never advanced.

Democratic State Representative Dave Jacoby introduced the same proposal, but his House Joint Resolution 10 never was assigned to a subcommittee.

Hunting and fishing

Democratic State Senator Rich Taylor introduced Senate Joint Resolution 14, adding new language to establish a right “to hunt, fish, and harvest wildlife, including by the use of traditional methods, subject to reasonable laws enacted by the general assembly and reasonable rules adopted by the natural resource commission to promote wildlife conservation and management, to maintain natural resources held in trust by the state for public use, and to preserve the future of hunting, fishing, and harvesting wildlife.” It was assigned to a Senate Natural Resources and Environment subcommittee, which never met to consider it.

NEVER INTRODUCED

Privacy of electronic data

The Iowa House unanimously approved a constitutional amendment in 2017 that would add language protecting “electronic communications and data” against “unreasonable searches and seizures.” The measure died in the Senate two years ago and never got off the starting block this year. No one picked up the ball after this amendment’s sponsor, former Republican State Representative Ken Rizer, retired in 2018.

The post 2019 Iowa legislative recap: Constitutional amendments appeared first on Bleeding Heartland.

Emma Schmit is an Iowa organizer for Food & Water Watch. -promoted by Laura Belin

In December, U.S. Senator Cory Booker of New Jersey introduced a historic new vision for agriculture and food in the United States. The Farm System Reform Act would overhaul our unsustainable food and agriculture model and strengthen the Packers & Stockyards Act to give independent family farmers a fighting chance against monopolistic, corporate integrators. It restores mandatory Country of Origin Labeling, so consumers know where their food is coming from.

What makes it truly revolutionary, though, is that it calls for an end to factory farming. The Farm System Reform Act is the first ever national factory farm ban legislation.

To achieve this sweeping overhaul of our food system, Booker’s bill provides a $100 billion voluntary buyout program for contract farmers who want to transition away from factory farming. Through an immediate moratorium on the construction of new or expanding large factory farms, the bill initiates a phaseout of existing large factory farms by 2040.

The Farm System Reform Act also contains mechanisms to hold meat companies accountable for the harm caused by factory farms. Through the creation of new support programs, factory farms can transition to alternative agriculture production such as pasture-based livestock, specialty crop cultivation, or organic commodity production. This legislation is a huge first step in restructuring our food and agriculture system so that it works for our farmers, our communities, and our environment rather than a handful of multi-billion dollar corporations.

Senator Booker isn’t the only one challenging the factory farm industry. Over the past year, we have seen seven presidential candidates come out in support of a factory farm moratorium. It’s not hard to imagine why when they have spent so many hours traveling across Iowa, the land of 10,000 factory farms.

The harmful impacts of the industry are visible in every corner of the state. Factory farms have polluted our water resulting in more than 760 impaired waterways throughout the state. Factory farms have increased corporate control of our ag sector, pigeonholing independent family farmers and local meat processors and running them out of business. Factory farms have furthered the climate crisis, relying heavily on fossil fuels and generating vast quantities of greenhouse gases. The factory farm industry creates disastrous ramifications for our planet as a whole, but our local communities bear the brunt of this harmful industry.

In Iowa, ground zero of the factory farm crisis, state legislators have also taken notice. According to recent polling by John Hopkins Center for a Liveable Future, 63 percent of Iowans support a moratorium on factory farms. Democratic State Representative Sharon Steckman and State Senator Claire Celsi have responded to constituents’ concerns by once again introducing legislation calling for a moratorium on new and expanding factory farms until the impacts of the industry have been fully assessed. Both Steckman and Celsi introduced similar bills during the 2019 session.

Unfortunately, Republican State Representative Dean Fisher, who chairs the Iowa House Environmental Protection Committee, intentionally blocked the bill from being heard last year. Considering Fisher has taken nearly $10,000 from donors in the agriculture sector, and the Iowa Farm Bureau’s PAC is his third largest donor, his refusal to assign the moratorium bill to a subcommittee and allow the democratic process to work is not at all surprising.

State Senator Dan Zumbach, chair of the Iowa Senate Agriculture Committee, did assign Celsi’s moratorium bill to a subcommittee. However, he waited until the absolute last minute and stacked the committee against the bill, ensuring the legislation would not move past the first legislative funnel.

Since the end of the 2019 legislative session, support for a factory farm moratorium has steadily increased. Factory farms operate largely unregulated without regard for surrounding communities. Seaboard Triumph, ranked 2nd on the 2019 Pork Powerhouse list of largest producers, was accused of human trafficking and labor abuse at their Sioux City plant. Iowans saw 81 beach advisories related to E. Coli and toxic blue-green algae from factory farm pollution over the summer. Nearly 40 manure spills across the state befouled our soil and water.

Iowa’s number of polluted waterways continues to rise, with 767 rivers, lakes, and streams considered impaired. Over 10,000 private wells were also found to be contaminated with bacteria and high levels of nitrogen as a result of intensive industrial agriculture practices throughout the state.

Despite spending hundreds of millions of dollars, the state’s Nutrient Reduction Strategy, which is intended to reduce Iowa’s contribution of nitrogen and phosphorus pollution to the Dead Zone in the Gulf of Mexico, is also failing. It will take hundreds to thousands of years to clean up Iowa’s water at the rate of progress achieved under the current voluntary approach.

As corporate-owned factory farms continue to rapidly pollute and damage our state, people are no longer content to stay silent. Unprecedented numbers of people are rising up to demand that our elected officials support a moratorium on new and expanded factory farms to protect our water, our communities, and Iowa’s independent family-scale farms.

Our state deserves to be more than just a feedlot between two rivers. Our communities deserve clean water. Our farmers deserve to work without unjust contracts and monopolized markets. On Thursday, January 23, Iowans from across the state will be gathering for a Stop Factory Farms Lobby Day at the state capitol in Des Moines. We will spend the day urging our elected officials to support a statewide moratorium on factory farms. All are welcome to join us in the fight for a better future.

Photos from last year’s lobby day provided by the author and published with permission:

The post Iowa deserves to be more than just a feedlot between two rivers appeared first on Bleeding Heartland.

The Iowa Senate convened for its 2020 session on January 13 with 32 Republicans and 18 Democrats. Eleven senators are women (six Democrats and five Republicans), up from six women in the chamber before the 2018 elections.

I enclose below details on the majority and minority leadership teams, along with all chairs, vice chairs, and members of standing Iowa Senate committees. Where relevant, I’ve mentioned changes since last year’s legislative session. A few committees have new Republican leaders. On the Democratic side, Eric Giddens now represents the Senate district where Jeff Danielson resigned last year.

A few words about demographics: all current state senators are white. To my knowledge, the only African American ever to serve in the Iowa Senate was Tom Mann, elected to two terms during the 1980s. No Latino has ever served in the Iowa legislature; in 2014, Nathan Blake fell 18 votes short of becoming the first. No Asian American has served in the Iowa Senate since Swati Dandekar resigned in 2011.

Some non-political trivia: the 50 Iowa senators include two Smiths (a Democrat and a Republican) and two Taylors (both Democrats). As for first names, there are three Marks, three Zachs, and two men each named Dan, Jim, Tim, and Tom.

Senate Republicans

First elected in 1996: Jerry Behn

First elected in 2004: Brad Zaun

First elected in 2008: Randy Feenstra, Tim Kapucian

First elected in 2010: Roby Smith

First elected in a 2011 special election: Jack Whitver

First elected in 2012: Dennis Guth, Mark Segebart, Jake Chapman, Amy Sinclair, Ken Rozenboom, Dan Zumbach, Michael Breitbach

First elected in a 2012 special election: Charles Schneider

First elected in a 2013 special election: Julian Garrett (three years service in the Iowa House)

First elected in 2014: Tom Shipley, Jason Schultz (six years in Iowa House), Tim Kraayenbrink

First elected in a 2014 special election: Mark Costello

First elected in 2016: Waylon Brown, Dan Dawson, Jeff Edler, Tom Greene, Craig Johnson, Mark Lofgren

First elected in a 2017 special election: Jim Carlin

First elected in a 2018 special election: Annette Sweeney
First elected in the 2018 general election: Chris Cournoyer, Carrie Koelker, Mariannette Miller-Meeks, Zach Nunn, Zach Whiting

Senate Democrats

First elected in 1998: Joe Bolkcom

First elected in a 2002 special election: Amanda Ragan

First elected in 2002: Bill Dotzler (six years in Iowa House), Herman Quirmbach

First elected in 2006: Rob Hogg (four years in Iowa House)

First elected in 2008: Pam Jochum (sixteen years in Iowa House)

First elected in a 2011 special election: Liz Mathis

First elected in 2012: Janet Petersen (twelve years in Iowa House), Rich Taylor

First elected in 2014: Tony Bisignano (six years in Iowa House and four in Iowa Senate during 1980s and 1990s), Kevin Kinney
First elected in 2016: Nate Boulton
First elected in a 2016 special election: Jim Lykam (fourteen years in Iowa House)
First elected in 2018: Claire Celsi, Jackie Smith, Todd Taylor, Zach Wahls
First elected in a 2019 special election: Eric Giddens

Iowa Senate Republican leadership team

Majority Leader Jack Whitver took on that role in March 2018, when his predecessor Bill Dix resigned unexpectedly after Iowa Starting Line exposed his apparent romantic relationship with a lobbyist. He represents Senate district 19, covering Ankeny and other parts of northern Polk County.

Senate President Charles Schneider represents Senate district 22, covering Windsor Heights, Clive, Waukee, and parts of West Des Moines in Polk and Dallas counties.

Senate President Pro-Tem Jerry Behn preceded Dix as minority leader and returned to the GOP leadership team after the 2016 election. He represents Senate district 24, covering all of Boone, Hamilton, and Greene counties and part of Webster.

Majority whip Amy Sinclair was the only woman in the 29-member Senate GOP caucus after the 2016 election. She represents Senate district 14, covering Clarke, Decatur, Lucas, and Wayne counties, along with most of Marion County and part of Jasper County.

Three of the four assistant majority leaders also held that position last year.

Waylon Brown is serving his first term in Senate district 26, covering Worth, Floyd, Chickasaw, Mitchell, and Howard counties, and parts of Cerro Gordo and Winneshiek counties.

Jake Chapman is serving his second term in Senate district 10, covering most of Dallas County, a little bit of Polk and Cass counties, and all of Adair and Guthrie Counties.

Randy Feenstra is serving his third term and represents Senate district 2, covering Sioux, O’Brien, and Cherokee counties. He has said he will not seek re-election to the legislature this year and has been campaigning for the GOP nomination in the fourth Congressional district.

Dan Zumbach represents Senate district 48, covering Delaware County and parts of Jones, Linn, and Buchanan counties.

Iowa Senate Democratic leadership team

Minority Leader Janet Petersen replaced Rob Hogg in that role in October 2017. First elected to the Senate in 2012 after serving six terms in the Iowa House, she represents Senate district 18, covering parts of northern and eastern Des Moines in Polk County.

Minority Whip Amanda Ragan is serving her fourth term and represents Senate district 27, which includes Mason City and most of Cerro Gordo County as well as Franklin County and most of Butler County.

The six assistant minority leaders have not changed since last year.

Joe Bolkcom is serving his sixth term and represents Senate district 43, covering most of Iowa City in Johnson County.

Bill Dotzler is serving his fifth term and represents Senate district 31, covering a large area in Waterloo in Black Hawk County.

Pam Jochum was Senate president when Democrats were last in the majority. She is serving her third term and represents Senate district 50, covering Dubuque.

Liz Mathis helped Democrats retain control of the chamber by winning a 2011 special election and has since been re-elected twice in Senate district 34, covering some surburban areas in Linn County.

Herman Quirmbach is serving his fourth term and represents Senate district 23, covering Ames and some rural areas in Story County.

Rich Taylor is serving his second term and represents Senate district 42, covering Lee and Henry Counties and parts of Jefferson and Washington.

Iowa Senate Standing Commitees

Agriculture

Chair: Dan Zumbach (see above)

Vice Chair: Annette Sweeney represents Senate district 25, covering Hardin and Grundy counties and parts of Story and Butler counties.

Ranking member: Kevin Kinney was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 39, covering Washington and Keokuk counties and a large area in Johnson County.

Other members: Ken Rozenboom (R), Jeff Edler (R), Tom Shipley (R), Tim Kapucian (R), Waylon Brown (R), Mark Costello (R), Amanda Ragan (D), Zach Wahls (D), Rich Taylor (D), Liz Mathis (D)

Appropriations

Chair: Michael Breitbach was first elected in 2012 in Senate district 28, covering all of Allamakee and Clayton counties, most of Winneshiek County, and about half of Fayette County.

Vice Chair: Tim Kraayenbrink was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 5, covering Calhoun, Humboldt, and Pocahontas counties, as well as most of Webster County.

Ranking member: Joe Bolkcom (see above)

Other members: Carrie Koelker (R), Julian Garrett (R), Dennis Guth (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Tom Shipley (R), Mark Costello (R), Marriannette Miller-Meeks (R), Thomas Greene (R), Craig Johnson (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Claire Celsi (D), Jim Lykam (D), Bill Dotzler (D), Todd Taylor (D), Liz Mathis (D), Zach Wahls (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Appropriations Subcommittees

Administration and Regulation

Chair: Dennis Guth was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 4, covering Emmet, Kossuth, Winnebago, Hancock, and Wright counties.

Vice Chair: Dan Zumbach (see above) Last year Jake Chapman was vice chair.

Ranking member: Claire Celsi was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 21, covering parts of Des Moines, West Des Moines, and Cumming in Polk and Warren counties.

Other members: Zach Whiting (R), Rich Taylor (D)

Agriculture/Natural Resources

Chair: Tom Shipley was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 11, covering Adams and Union counties, most of Cass County, and most of Pottawattamie County outside the Council Bluffs city limits.

Vice Chair: Ken Rozenboom was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 40, covering Mahaska, Monroe, and Appanoose Counties, and parts of Marion and Wapello Counties. Last year Waylon Brown was vice chair of this subcommittee.

Ranking member: Liz Mathis (see above)

Other members: Annette Sweeney (R), Kevin Kinney (D)

Economic Development

Chair: Mark Lofgren was first elected in 2016 in Senate district 46, covering parts of Muscatine and Scott Counties.

Vice Chair: Thomas Greene was first elected in 2016 in Senate district 44, covering Des Moines and Louisa counties and part of Muscatine County.

Ranking member: Bill Dotzler (see above)

Other members: Chris Cournoyer (R), Jackie Smith (D)

Education

Chair: Tim Kraayenbrink (see above)

Vice Chair: Amy Sinclair (see above)

Ranking member: Zach Wahls was elected for the first time in 2018 in Senate district 37, covering Cedar County and part of Johnson County.

Other members: Carrie Koelker (R), Herman Quirmbach (D)

Health and Human Services

Chair: Mark Costello was first elected in a 2014 special election to replace Joni Ernst and represents Senate district 12, covering Mills, Montgomery, Fremont, Page, Taylor, and Ringgold counties.

Vice Chair: Jeff Edler was first elected in 2016 and represents Senate district 36, covering Marshall and Tama counties and a small area in Black Hawk County.

Ranking member: Amanda Ragan (see above)

Other members: Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R), Joe Bolkcom (D)

Justice Systems

Chair: Julian Garrett was first elected in 2013 and represents Senate district 13, covering Madison County and most of Warren County.

Vice Chair: Zach Nunn gave up a leadership position in the Iowa House last year to run for Senate district 15, covering most of Jasper County and eastern areas of Polk County.

Ranking member: Rob Hogg was first elected in 2006 and represents Senate district 33, covering part of Cedar Rapids in Linn County.

Other members: Jim Carlin (R), Todd Taylor (D)

Transportation, Infrastructure, and Capitals

Chair: Craig Johnson was first elected in 2016 in Senate district 32, covering Bremer County and parts of Fayette, Buchanan and Black Hawk.

Vice Chair: Roby Smith is serving his third term in Senate district 47, covering parts of Scott County.

Ranking member: Jim Lykam gave up a seat in the Iowa House in late 2016 to run for Senate district 45, covering part of Scott County.

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Nate Boulton (D)

Commerce

Chair: Dan Dawson was first elected in 2016 in Senate district 8, covering Council Bluffs and Carter Lake in Pottawattamie County. Last year Jake Chapman chaired this committee.

Vice Chair: Carrie Koelker was elected for the first time in 2018 in Senate district 29, covering Jackson County and Dubuque County outside the city of Dubuque.

Ranking member: Jim Lykam (see above)

Other members: Michael Breitbach (R), Jake Chapman (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Craig Johnson (R), Randy Feenstra (R), Zach Nunn (R), Waylon Brown (R), Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R), Roby Smith (R), Janet Petersen (D), Tony Bisignano (D), Joe Bolkcom (D), Liz Mathis (D), Herman Quirmbach (D)

Education

Chair: Amy Sinclair (see above)

Vice Chair: Chris Cournoyer was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 49, covering Clinton County and part of Scott County.

Ranking member: Herman Quirmbach (see above)

Other members: Jerry Behn (R), Tim Kraayenbrink (R), Jeff Edler (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Craig Johnson (R), Brad Zaun (R), Claire Celsi (D), Eric Giddens (D), Jackie Smith (D), Zach Wahls (D)

Ethics

This committee has three members from each party in accordance with Iowa law.

Chair: Mark Costello (see above)

Vice Chair: Jerry Behn (see above)

Ranking member: Pam Jochum (see above)

Other members: Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R), Liz Mathis (D), Kevin Kinney (D)

Government Oversight

Chair: Amy Sinclair (see above)

Vice Chair: Mark Lofgren (see above)

Ranking member: Tony Bisignano was elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 17, covering parts of downtown Des Moines and the south side. He previously served six years in the state House and four years in the Senate during the 1980s and 1990s.

Other members: Zach Whiting (R), Claire Celsi (D)

Human Resources

Chair: Last year Mariannette Miller-Meeks chaired this committee, but she relinquished that role to focus on her campaign for the open seat in Iowa’s second Congressional district.

Vice Chair: Mark Segebart was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 6, covering Buena Vista, Sac, Carroll, and Audubon counties, plus part of Crawford County.

Ranking member: Liz Mathis (see above)

Other members: Julian Garrett (R), Jim Carlin (R), Thomas Greene (R), Craig Johnson (R), Mark Costello (R), Jeff Edler (R), Joe Bolkcom (D), Pam Jochum (D), Herman Quirmbach (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Judiciary

Chair: Brad Zaun was first elected in 2004 and represents Senate district 20, covering Urbandale, Johnston, Grimes, and other areas in northwest Polk County.

Vice Chair: Julian Garrett (see above) Last year Dan Dawson was vice chair.

Ranking member: Kevin Kinney was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 39, covering Keokuk County, most of Washington County, and part of Johnson County.

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Tom Shipley (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Zach Nunn (R), Jason Schultz (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Zach Whiting (R), Tony Bisignano (D), Rob Hogg (D), Janet Petersen (D), Rich Taylor (D)

Labor and Business Relations

Chair: Jason Schultz was first elected in 2014 and represent Senate district 9, covering Ida, Monona, Harrison, and Shelby counties, along with parts of Crawford and Woodbury counties. He is the only state lawmaker who has called me a traitor.

Vice Chair: Zach Whiting was just elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 1, covering Lyon, Osceola, Dickinson, Clay, and Palo Alto counties.

Ranking member: Todd Taylor served for more than 20 years in the Iowa House and was first elected in 2018 to represent Senate district 35, covering part of Cedar Rapids in Linn County.

Other members: Jim Carlin (R), Waylon Brown (R), Dennis Guth (R), Carrie Koelker (R), Zach Nunn (R), Bill Dotzler (D), Rich Taylor (D), Nate Boulton (D)

Local Government

Chair: Jeff Edler (see above)

Vice Chair: Thomas Greene (see above)

Ranking member: Jackie Smith was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 7, covering most of Sioux City in Woodbury County.

Other members: Tim Kraayenbrink (R), Julian Garrett (R), Dennis Guth (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Mark Segebart (R), Herman Quirmbach (D), Nate Boulton (D), Rob Hogg (D)

Natural Resources and Environment

Chair: Ken Rozenboom was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 40, covering Mahaska, Monroe, and Appanoose Counties, and parts of Marion and Wapello Counties.

Vice Chair: Tom Shipley was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 11, covering Adams and Union counties, most of Cass County, and most of Pottawattamie County outside the Council Bluffs city limits.

Ranking member: Rob Hogg (see above)

Other members: Chris Cournoyer (R), Jerry Behn (R), Tim Kapucian (R), Mark Segebart (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Dan Zumbach (R), Claire Celsi (D), Nate Boulton (D), Jim Lykam (D), Jackie Smith (D)

Rules and Administration

Chair: Jack Whitver (see above)

Vice Chair: Charles Schneider (see above)

Ranking member: Janet Petersen (see above)

Other members: Jerry Behn (R), Jake Chapman (R), Roby Smith (R), Randy Feenstra (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Joe Bolkcom (D), Amanda Ragan (D), Pam Jochum (D)

State Government

Chair: Roby Smith (see above)

Vice Chair: Craig Johnson (see above)

Ranking member: Tony Bisignano (see above)

Other members: Jake Chapman (R), Brad Zaun (R), Randy Feenstra (R), Jason Schultz (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Chris Cournoyer (R), Zach Whiting (R), Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R), Claire Celsi (D), Eric Giddens (D), Todd Taylor (D), Pam Jochum (D)

Transportation

Chair: Tim Kapucian was first elected in 2008 and represents Senate district 38, covering Benton, Iowa and Poweshiek counties.

Vice Chair: Waylon Brown (see above)

Ranking member: Eric Giddens was first elected in a 2019 special election and represents Senate district 30, covering Cedar Falls and part of Waterloo in Black Hawk County. Last year Jeff Danielson was ranking member.

Other members: Dan Zumbach (R), Michael Breitbach (R), Chris Cournoyer (R), Tom Shipley (R), Zach Whiting (R), Carrie Koelker (R), Kevin Kinney (D), Jackie Smith (D), Todd Taylor (D), Jim Lykam (D)

Veterans Affairs

Chair: Jim Carlin was first elected in a 2017 special election and represents Senate district 3, covering most of Plymouth County and part of Woodbury County, including the south side of Sioux City. Last year Dan Dawson chaired this committee.

Vice Chair: Mariannette Miller-Meeks was first elected in 2018 and represents Senate district 41, covering much of Wapello County and all of Davis and Van Buren counties.

Ranking member: Rich Taylor was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 42, covering Lee and Henry Counties and parts of Jefferson and Washington.

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Jeff Edler (R), Carrie Koelker (R), Mark Costello (R), Eric Giddens (D), Bill Dotzler (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Ways & Means

Chair: Jake Chapman was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 10, covering most of Dallas County, a little bit of Polk and Cass counties, and all of Adair and Guthrie Counties. Last year Randy Feenstra chaired this committee, but he gave up that role to focus on his Congressional campaign.

Vice Chair: Dan Dawson (see above)

Ranking member: Pam Jochum (see above)

Other members: Waylon Brown (R), Jerry Behn (R), Jim Carlin (R), Randy Feenstra (R), Jason Schultz (R), Roby Smith (R), Jeff Edler (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Zach Nunn (R), Bill Dotzler (D), Joe Bolkcom (D), Eric Giddens (D), Zach Wahls (D), Herman Quirmbach (D)

Administrative Rules Review Committee

Five Iowa House and five Iowa Senate members serve on this committee. The Senate’s five representatives on this committee are Waylon Brown (R, chair), Mark Costello (R), Zach Whiting (R), Rob Hogg (D), Pam Jochum (D)

Top photo of rotunda at the Iowa capitol by Amanda Rex-Johnson published with permission.

The post Who’s who in the Iowa Senate for 2020 appeared first on Bleeding Heartland.

Emma Schmit (Food & Water Action) and Ava Auen-Ryan (CCI Action): Certain Iowa leaders kept the factory farm moratorium from advancing this year, despite unprecedented support. -promoted by Laura Belin

Iowans kicked off 2020 with an unprecedented push to stop factory farms and address climate chaos, but this legislative session’s first deadline passed with no action. 

Once again, Republican leadership kept widely supported moratorium legislation from moving forward and instead worked in favor of corporate agribusiness, not the people of Iowa.

Meanwhile, leaders like Democratic State Representative Sharon Steckman and State Senator Claire Celsi, along with more than 20 co-sponsors, introduced legislation that would have been a first step in revolutionizing our food and agriculture system into a model that works for farmers, communities, and the environment, not just multi-billion dollar agribusinesses.

The bills – House File 2127 and Senate File 2254 – called for enacting a moratorium on new and expanding factory farms until the impacts of the industry have been assessed. 

Right now, Iowa has more than 760 impaired waterways and 10,000 polluted private wells. Agricultural runoff accounts for much of the contamination. As agribusiness has continued to decrease the number of small, independent family farms, our rural communities are deteriorating. We face more school consolidation, business closures, lower property values, and a shrinking tax base to fund necessary resources. The imminent threat of climate change just compounds our struggles. 

In order to address each of the harms caused by the factory farm industry, it is critical that we take time out to appraise the damage before it is too late. Our water, our communities, and our futures are on the line.

Unfortunately, during this session certain GOP leaders in the legislature were more focused on pushing failed measures like banning abortion access and ending daylight savings time than addressing Iowa’s factory farm crisis. And some Democrats didn’t respond to citizen pressure and still oppose a moratorium as well.

Despite new polling showing 63 percent of Iowans support a moratorium on factory farms, GOP leadership refused to even discuss it. They ignored legislation calling for a moratorium and they ignored the democratic process. House File 2127 languished on House Speaker Pat Grassley’s desk for days on end before he would assign it to a committee. Then House Agriculture Committee chair Ross Paustian followed Grassley’s lead and refused to assign the legislation to a subcommittee.

That was not surprising, since Paustian operates multiple factory farms himself. 

On the other hand, the Senate at least assigned the bill to a subcommittee. However, by doing so less than three full days before the “funnel” deadline and stacking the subcommittee with oppositional forces, Senate Agriculture Committee chair Dan Zumbach ensured the bill would die without debate.

With the Iowa Farm Bureau’s political action committee donating $348,676.19 to Republican legislators from 2014 to 2018, it’s no surprise GOP officials are choosing to represent large donors, industry insiders, and massive corporations rather than constituents, taxpayers, and Iowa residents.

Enough is enough. Clean water matters. Rural communities matter. Independent family farmers matter. The will of the people matters. As the 2020 legislative session carries on and with November elections only a few short months away, let’s remind our elected officials that Iowans want bold, visionary solutions to our water pollution crisis. We urgently need a moratorium on factory farms.

Top photo of an Iowa farm landscape by Emma Schmit, provided by the author and published with permission.

The post Iowa lawmakers chose corporate agriculture and factory farms again appeared first on Bleeding Heartland.

Secretary of State Paul Pate will need approval from the Legislative Council in order to use his emergency powers to alter election procedures, under a bill Governor Kim Reynolds signed on June 25.

While Republicans have a majority on that legislative body, it’s not clear they would use that power to prevent Pate from repeating steps that led to record-breaking turnout for the June 2 primary.

WHAT THE NEW LAW DOES

In response to the novel coronavirus pandemic, Pate extended Iowa’s early voting period from 29 days to 40 days and mailed absentee ballot request forms to all registered voters. Roughly 80 percent of the 531,077 Iowans who cast ballots in this year’s primary voted by mail. (The previous state record for primary turnout was 449,490 in 1994.)

GOP State Senator Roby Smith, who has led the charge on numerous proposals to limit voting in Iowa, expressed his displeasure when legislators came back to work in early June. He introduced an expansive election bill, which among other things would have prohibited the secretary of state from mailing ballot request forms to any voter who did not request one.

The Iowa Senate approved Smith’s preferred version of House File 2486 on a mostly party-line vote, with two Republicans opposed.

House members removed most of the controversial provisions from Smith’s bill. What remained limited the powers of election officials in two ways.

First, the bill amends Iowa Code so that going forward, the secretary of state’s

decision to alter any conduct for an election using emergency powers must be approved by the legislative council. If the legislative council does not approve the secretary of state’s use of emergency powers to conduct an election, the legislative council may choose to present and approve its own election procedures or choose to take no further action.

Second, county auditors won’t be able to reduce the number of polling places by more than 35 percent during an emergency.

“COMMON-SENSE CONSTRAINTS” ON THE SECRETARY OF STATE

The House floor manager, GOP State Representative Bobby Kaufmann, explained the reasoning in his closing remarks in support of the changes on June 11.

“This bill truly prevents voter suppression,” Kaufmann said. He noted that in House district 22 (Pottawattamie County), only two out of twelve polling places were open on June 2. “People had to drive an hour to vote. That’s unacceptable, it’s un-American, and it’s voter suppression. This bill fixes that.”

Kaufmann went on to describe the “dire need to put common-sense constraints” on the secretary of state’s powers. The governor’s emergency powers are “expressly permitted” and have a time limit as well as a legislative override. In contrast, the secretary of state’s emergency powers are “too vague to be anything close to resembling predictable.”

He said the bill wasn’t about Pate’s decision to send absentee ballot request forms to all registered voters. Rather, “This is about one individual not having unchecked power to change election law without the legislature’s consultation.”

What happened this year “sets a precedent,” Kaufmann continued. While many people may approve of extending the early voting period from 29 days to 40, a future secretary of state could use the same powers to shorten the voting period from 29 days to five.

Forcing the secretary of state to ask the legislature’s permission to change election law is “very fair,” Kaufmann argued. “If it’s a good idea, it’ll be granted.” Or, the Legislative Council will be able to create an alternative if they don’t like the secretary of state’s proposal.

Iowa House members approved the amended bill by 95 votes to 2. The opponents were Democratic State Representatives Tim Kacena and Chris Hall. Both represent districts in Woodbury County, where former GOP State Senator Rick Bertrand sued Auditor Pat Gill for proposing to open only two polling places for the 2020 primary. Under a consent order a District Court judge issued in May, the county operated five polling places on June 2.

Senate Democrats didn’t agree with the deal their House counterparts struck. When House File 2486 came back to the Senate after midnight on the final day of the legislative session, Democratic Senators Pam Jochum and Janet Petersen argued against limiting the secretary of state’s emergency powers, while fellow Democrat Todd Taylor spoke against the limits on consolidating polling places during a pandemic. The vote in the upper chamber fell along party lines, with 31 Republicans voting to send the revised bill to the governor and 16 Democrats voting against it.

DON’T ASSUME A STATEWIDE ABSENTEE BALLOT MAILING IS OFF THE TABLE

Reynolds made no special comment about House File 2486, which her office announced in a news release listing 30 bills signed on June 25.

Pate has not clarified whether he will seek to send every Iowa voter an absentee ballot request form this fall. His staff have not responded to Bleeding Heartland’s inquiries about the matter. Given how the secretary of state has touted the record-setting primary participation, my hunch is he will try to repeat the successful policy, especially if COVID-19 cases explode in August and September as students return to Iowa schools and colleges.

Republicans have the votes on the Legislative Council to block that step, if they are united. The 24 council members (listed below) include seven Republicans and five Democrats from each legislative chamber.

But would they want to go there? Consider this: the new law does not stop county auditors from sending absentee ballot request forms to everyone on the voter rolls. Several counties, including Dubuque and Polk, did so before the primary. CORRECTION: Polk County did not send a universal mailing in April but is considering taking that step this fall, according to Auditor Jamie Fitzgerald. However, Linn and Woodbury counties did send forms to all voters before the primary.

I expect other auditors in large counties to adopt the same approach this fall, to reduce the chance of crowded polling places on November 3.

If universal absentee ballot request mailings go out to voters in some counties, but the Legislative Council blocks the same step by the Secretary of State’s office, the result could be more early votes banked in large-population counties that are already high vote producers for Democratic candidates. That could hurt Senator Joni Ernst’s re-election prospects as well as Donald Trump’s chance to carry Iowa again.

It would be particularly damaging for Republican candidates in Congressional races. Running up the score in Polk County elected Representative Cindy Axne in the third district in 2018 and could do so again. Similarly, Abby Finkenauer now represents the first district thanks to good vote margins out of the three largest counties. A big boost for Rita Hart in Johnson and Scott counties would hurt GOP nominee Mariannette Miller-Meeks in the second district. That could give pause to Republicans on the Legislative Council who might otherwise be inclined to slap down Pate.

Final note: Reynolds has not indicated whether she will sign a voter suppression measure added to a large budget bill on the final day of the legislative session. That provision (a Roby Smith brainchild, naturally) would make it more difficult for Iowans to vote by mail. Many organizations are urging the governor to item veto the proposed limits on county auditors.

Even if the governor signs that portion of the budget, a lawsuit could stop the language from taking effect for the 2020 election. Bleeding Heartland discussed the legal issues in more detail here. UPDATE: The governor approved the voting provisions when she signed the budget bill on June 30.

UPDATE: The Dubuque County Elections Office announced on June 30 that they will send every registered voter an absentee ballot request form sometime around Labor Day. I expect similar announcements soon from other large Democratic-leaning counties.
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Appendix: List of current members of Iowa’s Legislative Council

State Senators:
Jack Whitver (R)–vice chair
Charles Schneider (R)
Jake Chapman (R)
Jerry Behn (R)
Randy Feenstra (R)
Amy Sinclair (R)
Dan Zumbach (R)
Janet Petersen (D)
Amanda Ragan (D)
Joe Bolkcom (D)
Pam Jochum (D)
Jim Lykam (D)

State Representatives:
Pat Grassley (R)–chair
Matt Windschitl (R)
John Wills (R)
Jane Bloomingdale (R)
Dave Deyoe (R)
Gary M. Mohr (R)
Lee Hein (R)
Todd Prichard (D)
Jo Oldson (D)
Chris Hall (D)
Brian Meyer (D)
Sharon Steckman (D)

The post Iowa SOS will need permission for future emergency election changes appeared first on Bleeding Heartland.

Sixth in a series interpreting the results of Iowa’s 2020 state and federal elections.

Republican lawmakers and Governor Terry Branstad set out to cripple public sector unions in 2017 by enacting a law that eviscerated bargaining rights and established new barriers to union representation. Under that law, public employees must vote to recertify their union in each contract period (in most cases, every two or three years). Anyone not participating in the election is considered to have voted against the union. So a successful recertification requires yes votes from a majority of all employees in the bargaining unit.

The law hasn’t accomplished its goal of destroying large unions that typically support Democratic candidates. The vast majority of bargaining units have voted to recertify in each of the past four years. This fall, all 64 locals affiliated with the Iowa State Education Association voted to keep having that union negotiate their contracts. AFSCME Council 61, which represents most Iowa state and local government workers, was nearly as successful, with 64 out of 67 units voting to recertify.

I decided to return to a question Bleeding Heartland first pondered in 2017: how many candidates for other Iowa offices could declare victory under the system Republicans forced on labor unions?

I found that even after Iowa’s highest-turnout election in decades, our state would have no representation in Congress if contenders needed a majority vote among all constituents. “Winners” could be declared in about a third of state legislative races.

A quick word about methodology: I was more generous than the GOP’s collective bargaining law is to labor unions. I considered candidates to have “won” if they received support from a majority of the registered voters they were seeking to represent. A better analogy would be to see whether their vote total exceeded a majority of all eligible voters, but I don’t have reliable figures for the number of U.S. citizens at least 18 years old living in each district.

I lowered the bar a bit more by using voter registration numbers the Secretary of State’s office published on November 2, which don’t include anyone who registered to vote on election day.

NO IOWANS IN CONGRESS

No candidate for federal office came close to winning a majority in the 2020 general election, if non-voters are considered to have voted against every contender. The Secretary of State’s office counted 2,245,096 registered Iowa voters at the beginning of November. That means President Donald Trump and Senator Joni Ernst would have needed at least 1,122,549 votes to win. Trump received 897,672 votes, which was 53.1 percent of Iowans who made a choice in the presidential race, but only 40.0 percent of all Iowa registered voters, not counting anyone who registered on November 3.

Ernst received 864,997 votes, which was 51.7 percent of Iowans who made a choice in the U.S. Senate race, but only 38.5 percent of the statewide electorate.

All of the winning U.S. House candidates fell short of the mark as well. Ashley Hinson would have needed more than 274,000 votes to win a majority of all registrants in IA-01. She received 212,088 votes.

We still don’t know the winner of the second district, but both Rita Hart and Mariannette Miller-Meeks received nearly 197,000 votes. That’s way below the 283,485 that would constitute a majority of voters in the 24 counties.

Cindy Axne’s 219,205 votes delivered a second term in IA-03 under what we all recognize as fair election rules. But she would have needed 296,391 to claim a majority of that district’s voters.

Among all Iowa candidates for the U.S. House this year, Randy Feenstra received the most votes. His 237,369 votes represented 62.0 percent of those who made a choice in the IA-04 race. However, that’s only 44.3 percent of the 535,922 registered voters in the 39 counties.

IOWA SENATE

The 25 even-numbered Iowa Senate districts were on the ballot this year. Only seven candidates received more votes than a majority of registrants in those districts. Three were Republicans running unopposed: Jeff Taylor (Senate district 2, Iowa’s most heavily GOP district), Dennis Guth (Senate district 4), and Amy Sinclair (Senate district 14). Two were Republicans facing Democratic challengers: Ken Rozenboom (Senate district 40) and Dan Zumbach (Senate district 48).

Democratic incumbents Janet Petersen (Senate district 18) and Liz Mathis (Senate district 34) also received enough votes to exceed a majority of the registered voters in their districts. Neither had an opponent.

I went back and compared the 2018 election results with the voter registration totals from November of that year. Although turnout was relatively high for an Iowa midterm, zero candidates won enough votes to claim a majority of all registrants in the 25 odd-numbered state Senate districts on the ballot.

IOWA HOUSE

To my surprise, candidates in 36 of the 100 Iowa House districts received more votes than half of all registered voters their districts. That was many more than the 20 who did so in 2016, probably because Iowa’s overall turnout in 2020 was nearly 10 percent higher than in the last presidential election. Only six Iowa House candidates (none of whom had a major-party opponent) had cleared that threshold in 2018.

Nine of this year’s “winners” were Republicans running unopposed:

John Wills (House district 1)
Megan Jones (House district 2)
Dennis Bush (House district 3)
Thomas Jeneary (House district 5)
Jacob Bossman (House district 6)
David Sieck (House district 23)
Jon Thorup (House district 28)
Dustin Hite (House district 79)
Holly Brink (House district 80)

Sixteen were Republicans facing Democratic challengers:

Skyler Wheeler (House district 4, the state’s most Republican district)
Terry Baxter (House district 8)
Mike Sexton (House district 10)
Brian Best (House district 12)
Matt Windschitl (House district 17)
Steven Holt (House district 18)
Ray Sorensen (House district 20)
Jon Jacobsen (House district 22)
Cecil Dolecheck (House district 24)
Joel Fry (House district 27)
Pat Grassley (House district 50)
Jane Bloomingdale (House district 51)
Anne Osmundson (House district 56)
Shannon Lundgren (House district 57)
Joe Mitchell (House district 84)
Lee Hein (House district 96)

Eleven Democrats, all unchallenged, also cleared this bar:

Rick Olson (House district 31)
Ruth Ann Gaines (House district 32)
Marti Anderson (House district 36)
Jo Oldson (House district 41)
Bob Kressig (House district 59)
Liz Bennett (House district 65)
Kirsten Running-Marquardt (House district 69)
Dave Jacoby (House district 74)
Amy Nielsen (House district 77)
Christina Bohannan (House district 85)
Mary Mascher (House district 86)

The bottom line is that to meet the standard Iowa Republicans set for labor unions, a state legislative candidate needs to be either unopposed or competing in a district that overwhelmingly favors one party. Even in those conditions, the formula rarely works in non-presidential years.

Why bother going through this exercise? No one would ever count Iowans who chose not to participate in an election as having voted against a specific candidate. That would be absurd and unfair. Which just about sums up the recertification rules Republicans imposed on some 180,000 public employees in Iowa.

UPDATE: A reader commented, “a more comparable up or down election may be the retention vote for judges. How many judges would be retained if they needed the votes of Registered voters instead of actual voters?”

No Iowa Supreme Court justice or Iowa Court of Appeals judge would ever be retained if they needed “yes” votes from a majority of all registered voters, instead of a majority of those who filled out that part of the ballot.

I don’t have population data for Iowa’s judicial districts, but I am certain that no lower court judges would ever be able to meet the standard Republicans set for recertification votes. Hundreds of thousands of Iowa voters leave the judicial part of the ballot blank.

The Iowa Senate convened for its 2021 session on January 11 with 31 Republicans, eighteen Democrats, and one vacancy in the district formerly represented by Mariannette Miller-Meeks. A record twelve senators are women (seven Democrats and five Republicans), up from eleven women in the chamber last year and double the six who served prior to 2018.

I enclose below details on the majority and minority leadership teams, along with all chairs, vice chairs, and members of standing Iowa Senate committees. Where relevant, I’ve mentioned changes since last year’s legislative session. A few committees have new Republican leaders.

All current state senators are white. The only African American ever to serve in the Iowa Senate was Tom Mann, elected to two terms during the 1980s. No Latino has ever served in the chamber, and Iowa’s only Asian-American senator was Swati Dandekar, who resigned in 2011.

Some non-political trivia: the 50 Iowa senators include two Smiths, a Democrat and a Republican. As for first names, there are three Jeffs, three Zachs, and two men each named Craig, Mark, Dan, Jim, and Tim.

UPDATE: Republican Adrian Dickey won the January 26 special election to represent Senate district 41, giving the GOP a 32-18 majority. After he’s sworn in, I’ll note his committee assignments below.

Four of the last six general elections in Iowa were GOP waves, as you can see from the large number of Republican senators with relatively little seniority.

Senate Republicans

First elected in 2004: Brad Zaun

First elected in 2010: Roby Smith

First elected in a 2011 special election: Jack Whitver

First elected in 2012: Dennis Guth, Jake Chapman, Amy Sinclair, Ken Rozenboom, Dan Zumbach

First elected in a 2013 special election: Julian Garrett (following three years service in the Iowa House)

First elected in 2014: Tom Shipley, Jason Schultz (six years in Iowa House), Tim Kraayenbrink

First elected in a 2014 special election: Mark Costello

First elected in 2016: Waylon Brown, Dan Dawson, Jeff Edler, Craig Johnson, Mark Lofgren

First elected in a 2017 special election: Jim Carlin

First elected in a 2018 special election: Annette Sweeney

First elected in the 2018 general election: Chris Cournoyer, Carrie Koelker, Zach Nunn, Zach Whiting

First elected in 2020: Dawn Driscoll, Craig Williams, Mike Klimesh, Jeff Reichman, Jeff Taylor, Tim Goodwin, Jesse Green

Senate Democrats

First elected in 1998: Joe Bolkcom

First elected in a 2002 special election: Amanda Ragan

First elected in 2002: Bill Dotzler (six years in Iowa House), Herman Quirmbach

First elected in 2006: Rob Hogg (four years in Iowa House)

First elected in 2008: Pam Jochum (sixteen years in Iowa House)

First elected in a 2011 special election: Liz Mathis

First elected in 2012: Janet Petersen (twelve years in Iowa House)

First elected in 2014: Tony Bisignano (six years in Iowa House and four in Iowa Senate during 1980s and 1990s), Kevin Kinney

First elected in 2016: Nate Boulton

First elected in a 2016 special election: Jim Lykam (fourteen years in Iowa House)

First elected in 2018: Claire Celsi, Jackie Smith, Todd Taylor, Zach Wahls

First elected in a 2019 special election: Eric Giddens

First elected in 2020: Sarah Trone Garriott

Iowa Senate Republican leadership team

Jack Whitver remains majority leader, having served in that role since March 2018, when his predecessor Bill Dix resigned in disgrace. He represents Senate district 19, covering Ankeny and other parts of northern Polk County.

Jake Chapman is the new Senate president, the second-ranking position in the majority caucus. He was elected in 2020 to a third term in Senate district 10, covering most of Dallas County, a little bit of Polk and Cass counties, and all of Adair and Guthrie Counties. Charles Schneider was Senate president for the previous two years, but he did not seek re-election in 2020.

Brad Zaun is the longest-serving member of the GOP Senate caucus and the new president pro tempore. He was just elected to a fifth term in Senate district 20, representing some of the suburbs northwest of Des Moines in Polk County. The previous Senate president pro-tem, Jerry Behn, retired in 2020.

Amy Sinclair returns as majority whip. She was just elected to her third term in Senate district 14, covering Clarke, Decatur, Lucas, and Wayne counties, along with most of Marion County and part of Jasper County. Following the 2016 election, Sinclair was the only woman in the 29-member Republican caucus, but she has four female colleagues now.

All four assistant majority leaders are new to that role.

Chris Cournoyer was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 49, covering Clinton County and part of Scott County.

Carrie Koelker was elected for the first time in 2018 in Senate district 29, covering Jackson County and Dubuque County outside the city of Dubuque.

Mark Lofgren won a second term in 2020 and represents Senate district 46, covering parts of Muscatine and Scott Counties. He previously served four years in the Iowa House.

Zach Whiting was elected for the first time in 2018 in Senate district 1, covering Lyon, Osceola, Dickinson, Clay, and Palo Alto counties.

Iowa Senate Democratic leadership team

Zach Wahls is the new minority leader, chosen in November after Janet Petersen declined to continue in that role. He was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 37, covering parts of Johnson County, all of Cedar County, and the city of Wilton in Muscatine County.

Amanda Ragan remains minority whip. She is serving her fourth term and represents Senate district 27, which includes Mason City and most of Cerro Gordo County as well as Franklin County and most of Butler County.

Three of the five assistant minority leaders served in that role last year.

Bill Dotzler is serving his fifth term and represents Senate district 31, covering a large area in Waterloo in Black Hawk County.

Pam Jochum was Senate president when Democrats were last in the majority. She is serving her third term and represents Senate district 50, covering Dubuque.

Herman Quirmbach is serving his fourth term and represents Senate district 23, covering Ames and some rural areas in Story County.

They are joined by two new assistant minority leaders:

Nate Boulton was elected to a second term in 2020 and represents Senate district 16, covering much of eastern Des Moines in Polk County.

Jackie Smith was elected to her first term in 2018 and represents Senate district 7, covering much of Sioux City in Woodbury County.

Iowa Senate Standing Commitees

Agriculture

Chair: Dan Zumbach represents Senate district 48, covering Delaware County and parts of Jones, Linn, and Buchanan counties.

Vice Chair: Annette Sweeney represents Senate district 25, covering Hardin and Grundy counties and parts of Story and Butler counties.

Ranking member: Kevin Kinney was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 39, covering Washington and Keokuk counties and a large area in Johnson County.

Other members: Ken Rozenboom (R), Jeff Edler (R), Tom Shipley (R), Dawn Driscoll (R), Jesse Green (R), Mark Costello (R), Amanda Ragan (D), Zach Wahls (D), Liz Mathis (D), Jackie Smith (D)

Appropriations

Chair: Tim Kraayenbrink was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 5, covering Calhoun, Humboldt, and Pocahontas counties, as well as most of Webster County. Michael Breitbach led this committee last year, but he retired.

Vice Chair: Mark Lofgren (see above) Tim Kraayenbrink chaired this committee last year.

Ranking member: Joe Bolkcom is serving his sixth term and represents Senate district 43, covering most of Iowa City in Johnson County.

Other members: Carrie Koelker (R), Julian Garrett (R), Dennis Guth (R), Jeff Edler (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Mike Klimesh (R), Mark Costello (R), Jeff Reichman (R), Craig Williams (R), Craig Johnson (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Claire Celsi (D), Janet Petersen (D), Bill Dotzler (D), Todd Taylor (D), Liz Mathis (D), Jackie Smith (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Appropriations Subcommittees

Administration and Regulation

Chair: Dennis Guth was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 4, covering Emmet, Kossuth, Winnebago, Hancock, and Wright counties.

Vice Chair: Dan Zumbach (see above)

Ranking member: Claire Celsi was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 21, covering parts of Des Moines, West Des Moines, and Cumming in Polk and Warren counties.

Other members: Tim Goodwin (R), Eric Giddens (D)

Agriculture/Natural Resources

Chair: Ken Rozenboom was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 40, covering Mahaska, Monroe, and Appanoose Counties, and parts of Marion and Wapello Counties. Last year Tom Shipley led this subcommittee.

Vice Chair: Tom Shipley was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 11, covering Adams and Union counties, most of Cass County, and most of Pottawattamie County outside the Council Bluffs city limits. Last year Rozenboom was vice chair.

Ranking member: Liz Mathis was first elected in a 2011 special election and just won her third full term in Senate district 34, covering some surburban areas in Linn County.

Other members: Craig Williams (R), Kevin Kinney (D)

Economic Development

Chair: Mark Lofgren (see above)

Vice Chair: Carrie Koelker (see above) Last year Tom Greene was vice chair, but he retired.

Ranking member: Bill Dotzler (see above)

Other members: Jeff Reichman (R), Rob Hogg (D)

Education

Chair: Chris Cournoyer (see above) Last year Tim Kraayenbrink led this committee.

Vice Chair: Jesse Green was elected in 2020 for the first time in Senate district 24, covering all of Boone, Hamilton, and Greene counties and part of Webster.

Ranking member: Jackie Smith (see above) Last year Zach Wahls was ranking member on this panel.

Other members: Annette Sweeney (R), Herman Quirmbach (D)

Health and Human Services

Chair: Mark Costello was first elected in a 2014 special election to replace Joni Ernst and represents Senate district 12, covering Mills, Montgomery, Fremont, Page, Taylor, and Ringgold counties.

Vice Chair: Jeff Edler was first elected in 2016 and represents Senate district 36, covering Marshall and Tama counties and a small area in Black Hawk County.

Ranking member: Amanda Ragan (see above)

Other members: Mike Klimesh (R), Sarah Trone Garriott (D)

Justice Systems

Chair: Julian Garrett was first elected in 2013 and represents Senate district 13, covering Madison County and most of Warren County.

Vice Chair: Jim Carlin was first elected in a 2017 special election and represents Senate district 3, covering most of Plymouth County and part of Woodbury County, including the south side of Sioux City.

Ranking member: Todd Taylor served for more than 20 years in the Iowa House and was first elected in 2018 to represent Senate district 35, covering part of Cedar Rapids in Linn County. Last year Rob Hogg was ranking member.

Other members: Jeff Taylor (R), Nate Boulton (D)

Transportation, Infrastructure, and Capitals

Chair: Craig Johnson was first elected in 2016 in Senate district 32, covering Bremer County and parts of Fayette, Buchanan and Black Hawk.

Vice Chair: Zach Whiting (see above) Last year Roby Smith was vice chair.

Ranking member: Janet Petersen was first elected to the Senate in 2012 after serving six terms in the Iowa House. She represents Senate district 18, covering parts of northern and eastern Des Moines in Polk County. Last year Jim Lykam was ranking member.

Other members: Dawn Driscoll (R), Jim Lykam (D)

Commerce

Chair: Jason Schultz was first elected in 2014 and represent Senate district 9, covering Ida, Monona, Harrison, and Shelby counties, along with parts of Crawford and Woodbury counties. He is the only state lawmaker who has called me a traitor. Last year Dan Dawson chaired this committee.

Vice Chair: Carrie Koelker was elected for the first time in 2018 in Senate district 29, covering Jackson County and Dubuque County outside the city of Dubuque.

Ranking member: Jim Lykam gave up a seat in the Iowa House in late 2016 to run for Senate district 45, covering part of Scott County.

Other members: Tim Goodwin (R), Jake Chapman (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Craig Johnson (R), Mike Klimesh (R), Zach Whiting (R), Waylon Brown (R), Craig Williams (R), Roby Smith (R), Janet Petersen (D), Tony Bisignano (D), Janet Petersen (D), Liz Mathis (D), Herman Quirmbach (D), Zach Wahls (D)

Education

Chair: Amy Sinclair (see above)

Vice Chair: Jeff Taylor was elected for the first time in 2020 in Senate district 2, covering Sioux, O’Brien, and Cherokee counties. Last year Chris Cournoyer was vice chair.

Ranking member: Herman Quirmbach (see above)

Other members: Jim Carlin (R), Tim Kraayenbrink (R), Tim Goodwin (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Chris Cournoyer (R), Craig Johnson (R), Brad Zaun (R), Claire Celsi (D), Eric Giddens (D), Jackie Smith (D), Sarah Trone Garriott (D)

Ethics

This committee has three members from each party in accordance with Iowa law.

Chair: Carrie Koelker (see above) Last year Mark Costello was chair.

Vice Chair: Jim Carlin (see above) Last year Jerry Behn was vice chair.

Ranking member: Pam Jochum (see above)

Other members: Mark Costello (R), Rob Hogg (D), Kevin Kinney (D)

Government Oversight

Chair: Jason Schultz (see above) Last year Amy Sinclair was chair.

Vice Chair: Craig Williams was elected for the first time in 2020 and represents Senate district 6, covering Buena Vista, Sac, Carroll, and Audubon counties, plus part of Crawford County. Last year Mark Lofgren was vice chair.

Ranking member: Claire Celsi was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 21, covering parts of Des Moines and West Des Moines in Polk County and the city of Cumming in Warren County. Last year Tony Bisignano was ranking member.

Other members: Mark Lofgren (R), Janet Petersen (D)

Human Resources

Chair: Jeff Edler (see above) Last year Annette Sweeney led this committee.

Vice Chair: Mark Costello (see above) Last year Mark Segebart was vice chair.

Ranking member: Liz Mathis (see above)

Other members: Julian Garrett (R), Jim Carlin (R), Jesse Green (R), Craig Johnson (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Joe Bolkcom (D), Pam Jochum (D), Sarah Trone Garriott (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Judiciary

Chair: Brad Zaun (see above)

Vice Chair: Julian Garrett (see above)

Ranking member: Kevin Kinney (see above)

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Tom Shipley (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Craig Johnson (R), Jason Schultz (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Jeff Taylor (R), Zach Whiting (R), Tony Bisignano (D), Joe Bolkcom (D), Janet Petersen (D), Nate Boulton (D)

Labor and Business Relations

Chair: Zach Whiting was first elected in 2018 and represents Senate district 1, covering Lyon, Osceola, Dickinson, Clay, and Palo Alto counties. Last year Jason Schultz led this panel.

Vice Chair: Jesse Green (see above) Last year Zach Whiting was vice chair.

Ranking member: Nate Boulton (see above) Last year Todd Taylor was ranking member.

Other members: Dawn Driscoll (R), Waylon Brown (R), Dennis Guth (R), Dennis Guth (R), Jason Schultz (R), Bill Dotzler (D), Todd Taylor (D), Pam Jochum (D)

Local Government

Chair: Tom Shipley (see above) Last year Jeff Edler was chair.

Vice Chair: Mike Klimesh was elected for the first time in 2020 and represents Senate district 28, covering all of Allamakee and Clayton counties, most of Winneshiek County, and about half of Fayette County. Last year Thomas Greene was vice chair.

Ranking member: Jackie Smith (see above)

Other members: Dawn Driscoll (R), Julian Garrett (R), Dennis Guth (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Craig Williams (R), Herman Quirmbach (D), Todd Taylor (D), Rob Hogg (D)

Natural Resources and Environment

Chair: Annette Sweeney (see above) Last year Ken Rozenboom was chair.

Vice Chair: Dawn Driscoll was elected for the first time in 2020 and represents Senate district 38, covering Benton, Iowa and Poweshiek counties. Last year Tom Shipley was vice chair.

Ranking member: Sarah Trone Garriott was elected for the first time in 2020 in Senate district 22, covering Windsor Heights, Clive, and part of West Des Moines in Polk County and Waukee in Dallas County. Last year Rob Hogg was ranking member.

Other members: Chris Cournoyer (R), Jesse Green (R), Tom Shipley (R), Jeff Taylor (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Dan Zumbach (R), Claire Celsi (D), Nate Boulton (D), Jim Lykam (D), Rob Hogg (D)

Rules and Administration

Chair: Jack Whitver (see above)

Vice Chair: Jake Chapman (see above) Last year Charles Schneider was vice chair.

Ranking member: Zach Wahls (see above) Last year Janet Petersen was ranking member.

Other members: Dan Zumbach (R), Zach Whiting (R), Roby Smith (R), Brad Zaun (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Joe Bolkcom (D), Amanda Ragan (D), Pam Jochum (D)

State Government

Chair: Roby Smith was first elected in 2010 and represents Senate district 47, covering parts of Scott County.

Vice Chair: Chris Cournoyer (see above) Last year Craig Johnson was vice chair.

Ranking member: Tony Bisignano was elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 17, covering parts of downtown Des Moines and the south side. He previously served six years in the state House and four years in the Senate during the 1980s and 1990s.

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Tim Goodwin (R), Dennis Guth (R), Jason Schultz (R), Carrie Koelker (R), Jeff Reichman (R), Zach Whiting (R), Craig Johnson (R), Claire Celsi (D), Eric Giddens (D), Nate Boulton (D), Pam Jochum (D)

Transportation

Chair: Waylon Brown was first elected in 2016 and represents Senate district 26, covering Worth, Howard, Mitchell, Chickasaw, and Floyd counties, plus small areas in Winneshiek and Cerro Gordo. Last year Tim Kapucian was chair, but he retired.

Vice Chair: Tom Shipley (see above) Last year Waylon Brown was the co-chair.

Ranking member: Eric Giddens was first elected in a 2019 special election and re-elected in 2020 in Senate district 30, covering Cedar Falls and part of Waterloo in Black Hawk County.

Other members: Dan Zumbach (R), Dawn Driscoll (R), Mike Klimesh (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Tim Kraayenbrink (R), Carrie Koelker (R), Tony Bisignano (D), Jackie Smith (D), Todd Taylor (D), Jim Lykam (D)

Veterans Affairs

Chair: Jim Carlin (see above)

Vice Chair: Jeff Reichman was just elected in 2020 to represent Senate district 42, covering Lee and Henry Counties and parts of Jefferson and Washington counties. Last year Mariannette Miller-Meeks was vice chair, but she resigned from the Iowa Senate to serve in Congress.

Ranking member: Eric Giddens (see above) Last year Rich Taylor was ranking member, but he lost his re-election bid.

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Jeff Edler (R), Jesse Green (R), Mark Costello (R), Liz Mathis (D), Bill Dotzler (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Ways & Means

Chair: Dan Dawson was first elected in 2016 in Senate district 8, covering Council Bluffs and Carter Lake in Pottawattamie County. Last year Jake Chapman chaired this committee.

Vice Chair: Tim Goodwin was just elected for the first time in 2020 and represents Senate district 44, covering Des Moines and Louisa counties and much of Muscatine County outside the city of Muscatine. Last year Dan Dawson was vice chair.

Ranking member: Pam Jochum (see above)

Other members: Waylon Brown (R), Jesse Green (R), Jim Carlin (R), Dawn Driscoll (R), Jason Schultz (R), Roby Smith (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Zach Whiting (R), Bill Dotzler (D), Joe Bolkcom (D), Janet Petersen (D), Todd Taylor (D), Herman Quirmbach (D)

Administrative Rules Review Committee

Five Iowa House and five Iowa Senate members serve on this committee. The Senate’s five representatives on this committee are Zach Whiting (R, vice chair), Jesse Green (R), Waylon Brown (R), Rob Hogg (D), Pam Jochum (D, ranking member)

Iowa lawmakers overwhelmingly approved the Legislative Services Agency’s second redistricting plan on October 28, by 48 votes to 1 in the Iowa Senate and 93 votes to 2 in the House. Democrats had already committed to approving any nonpartisan maps. Republicans liked that this plan (unlike the first LSA proposal) creates four U.S. House districts that Donald Trump carried. It also gives the party an excellent chance to maintain their Iowa House and Senate majorities.

Republican State Senator Ken Rozenboom cast the only vote against the maps in the upper chamber. The plan puts him in the same district as his GOP colleague Adrian Dickey.

In the lower chamber, only GOP State Representatives Tom Jeneary and Jon Jacobsen voted against the redistricting plan. Both are placed in House districts with other Republican incumbents, but Jacobsen told Bleeding Heartland in a telephone interview that’s not why he opposed the plan. Rather, he said the legislative maps carve up Pottawattamie County outside Council Bluffs into several districts represented by incumbents who live elsewhere.

I’ll have more to say about some legislative districts in forthcoming posts. For now, here are the basics about the plan Governor Kim Reynolds will soon sign into law. UPDATE: The governor signed the bill on November 4.

THREE COMPETITIVE CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS

Evan Burger analyzed this map in terms of population equality, compactness, and partisanship. As he noted, it’s mostly a status-quo map, creating three competitive U.S. House districts and one that’s safe for Republicans. In a wave year for the GOP, they could sweep all four seats, while Democrats could win three out of four in a good year.

I was hoping lawmakers would pass a technical amendment changing the Congressional district numbers, but they did not. So be prepared for some confusion as most of the old first district is now the second district, and vice versa.

IA-01: Representative Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R) vs. State Representative Christina Bohannan (D)

Although Miller-Meeks’ home county (Wapello) is located in the new IA-03, I am confident she will move into IA-01 so she can seek re-election on most of the turf where she’s been campaigning since she first challenged Dave Loebsack in 2008. She said in an October 28 statement that she will announce her decision “shortly.”

Whereas Donald Trump carried Miller-Meeks’ current district by about 4 points, the new IA-01 is slightly less Republican. Trump won about 50 percent of the 2020 vote, Joe Biden 48 percent.

Losing Wapello County will be a blow to Miller-Meeks, as she has always overperformed there. On the other hand, she will have incumbency advantages, and the midterm elections usually favor the party out of power in Washington.

Likely Democratic nominee Bohannan has good prospects of improving on 2020 candidate Rita Hart’s showing in Johnson County, the second-largest in the district. She’s off to a good start on fundraising, though Miller-Meeks has much more cash on hand. Hart outperformed the top of the Democratic ticket in most of the old IA-02 counties, and Bohannan will likely need to do the same.

Official voter registration numbers indicate that as of October 1, the 20 counties in the new IA-01 contained 165,990 registered Democrats, 150,439 Republicans, and 147,261 no-party voters.

UPDATE: Kyle Kuehl will also seek the Republican nomination in this district. I doubt Miller-Meeks has anything to worry about.

IA-02: Representative Ashley Hinson (R) vs. State Senator Liz Mathis (D)

Bleeding Heartland previewed this race in June, and it’s still shaping up to be highly competitive. I anticipate it will one of the most expensive U.S. House races in Iowa history. Trump carried this district by about 51 percent to 47 percent, similar to his winning margin in the old IA-01 last year.

Trump pulled Hinson over the line in her 2020 race against Democratic Representative Abby Finkenauer. Now Hinson has incumbency advantages and is raising lots of money. She should also benefit from Biden’s low approval rating. But Mathis has many strengths as a candidate and reported impressive fundraising numbers for the third quarter.

As of October 1, the 22 counties in the new IA-02 contained 163,045 registered Democrats, 153,665 Republicans, and 153,173 no-party voters.

IA-03: Representative Cindy Axne (D) vs. winner of GOP primary

Four Republicans are now competing for the nomination in this toss-up district, which Trump carried by about 0.4 percent in 2020. State Senator Zach Nunn is the favored candidate of Washington, DC Republicans and has raised more money than his GOP rivals. But Nicole Hasso has support from some quarters of the Iowa GOP establishment, and Gary Leffler (better known as the Trump tractor guy) has a lot of connections in the activist and evangelical Christian communities. Former State Representative Mary Ann Hanusa apparently plans to stay in the race, even though her home county (Pottawattamie) is no longer in the district.

As of October 1, the 21 counties in the new IA-03 contained 165,903 registered Democrats, 155,315 Republicans, and 132,390 no-party voters.

IA-04: Representative Randy Feenstra (R)

Democrats have no realistic chance of winning this district. As of October 1, its 36 contained 116,533 registered Democrats, 201,280 Republicans, and 128,280 no-party voters.

For now, Feenstra has no declared opponent. However, Jacob Hall of the conservative website The Iowa Standard indicated during a recent radio appearance that at least one Republican is seriously considering challenging Feenstra in the 2022 primary. Taking on an incumbent is an uphill battle, but Feenstra himself managed to knock off longtime Representative Steve King in 2020.

INCUMBENT MATCH-UPS IN NEW IOWA SENATE DISTRICTS

For reasons discussed here, I expect that Republicans will comfortably maintain their majority (currently 32-18) with this map.

This list of doubled-up incumbents comes from an analysis prepared by Iowa Senate Democratic staff. Ordinarily, only the 25 odd-numbered Senate districts would be on the ballot in 2022, but any even-numbered district with no incumbent or more than one incumbent seeking re-election will be on the ballot next year as well.

Keep in mind that some senators pitted against a fellow incumbent may retire or move into one of the open districts. No sitting senator now lives in districts 3, 13, 17, 19, 24, 29, 37, 42, 47, or 49.

UPDATE: Republican State Representative Cherielynn Westrich will run in Senate district 13, Republican State Representative Jon Thorup will run in Senate district 19, and Republican State Representative Sandy Salmon will run in Senate district 29.

Republican incumbents placed in same district:

Senate district 4: Tim Kraayenbrink, Jesse Green

UPDATE: Green announced on Facebook November 14 that he “will be establishing residency in the new Senate District 24.” No incumbent now lives there.

Senate district 6: Jason Schultz, Craig Williams

UPDATE: Williams told the Carroll Times Herald on November 4 that he will bow out, saying Schultz “has some seniority, and he’s good guy.” Williams was first elected to the legislature in 2020, while Schultz served six years in the House before winning his first term in the Senate in 2014.

Most even-numbered Senate districts won’t be on the 2022 ballot, but Schultz cannot hold over in the new Senate district 6, since he was re-elected to a four-year term in 2018.

Senate district 34: Craig Johnson, Dan Zumbach

UPDATE: Johnson announced that he will run in the new Iowa House district 67, which covers all of Delaware County, about half of Buchanan County, and a small area in Dubuque County.

Senate district 44: Adrian Dickey, Ken Rozenboom (voted against map–he’s a farmer, so not able to move easily)

Senate district 50: Tim Goodwin, Jeff Reichman

Democratic incumbents placed in same district:

Senate district 16: Claire Celsi, Sarah Trone Garriott (one could move to an open district in Des Moines)

UPDATE: Celsi told Bleeding Heartland she will run for re-election. “I am not done with my public service, on the contrary I am just getting started. I am looking forward to serving the Iowans in my new district boundaries.” Trone Garriott wrote in a November 1 newsletter,

Running for State Senate was a way to respond to needs I saw in the community. Public service has never been about what I wanted for myself, or what was easy for me. Therefore, I will not make this decision quickly, and I will not make it alone.

In the coming weeks, I will be actively listening to this community and discerning with my family how I am called to serve in these new circumstances. I will also be taking time to reflect with gratitude, giving thanks for this tremendous opportunity to be of service!

LATER UPDATE: Celsi announced on November 2 that she will seek re-election in Senate district 16. Trone Garriott is considering several options, including moving to the part of her current district that will be part of the new Senate district 14 in Dallas County.

Senate district 40: Todd Taylor, Liz Mathis (as mentioned above, she is running for Congress in 2022)

UPDATE: Taylor announced on November 16 that he will seek re-election in 2022. Normally, even-numbered Senate districts would not be on the ballot, but since Taylor was elected to a four-year term in 2018 he needs to run again next year.

Republican/Democratic incumbent match-ups:

Senate district 30: Amanda Ragan (D), Waylon Brown (R)

If Ragan retires, Brown (re-elected in 2020) could hold over until 2024. But since Ragan was re-elected to a four-year term in 2018, she must be on the ballot next year.

Senate district 41: Roby Smith (R), Jim Lykam (D)

Senate district 46: Kevin Kinney (D), Dawn Driscoll (R)

If Kinney retires, Driscoll (first elected in 2020) could hold over until 2024. But since Kinney was re-elected to a four-year term in 2018, he must be on the ballot next year.

INCUMBENT MATCH-UPS IN NEW IOWA HOUSE DISTRICTS

The current 60-40 Republican majority appears to be quite durable, for reasons discussed here. Democrats need to become more competitive in smaller towns and mid-sized cities to get anywhere close to 51 seats during the coming decade.

This list of doubled-up incumbents comes from the same analysis prepared by Iowa Senate Democratic staff. All 100 state House seats are on the ballot every two years. Keep in mind that some of these incumbents may retire or move to an open seat rather than face off against a colleague in a primary.

Republican incumbents placed in same district:

House district 3: Tom Jeneary, Skyler Wheeler

House district 6: Megan Jones, Gary Worthan

House district 19: Brent Siegrist, Jon Jacobsen (Jacobsen hasn’t confirmed plans for 2022 but intends to run for Senate district 8 in 2024)

House district 21: Brooke Boden, Jon Thorup

UPDATE: Thorup announced on October 30 that he’s running in the open Senate district 19.

House district 23: Ray Sorensen, Stan Gustafson, Carter Nordman

House district 42: Mike Bousselot, Garrett Gobble

UPDATE: Bousselot announced on November 30 that he will run in the new Senate district 21. Iowa Senate Majority Leader Jack Whitver is moving out of that district to run in safer GOP territory (Senate district 23).

House district 53: Dave Maxwell, Dean Fisher

House district 66: Lee Hein, Dave Bradley

House district 68: Sandy Salmon, Chad Ingels

UPDATE: Salmon announced on Facebook on October 29 that she plans to run for Iowa Senate district 29 next year. That district currently has no incumbent.

LATER UPDATE: Ingels confirmed he will seek re-election in House district 68,

House district 82: Bobby Kaufmann, Ross Paustian

UPDATE: Paustian announced on November 14 that he will retire, Tom Barton reported for the Quad-City Times. Kaufmann confirmed the following week that he will seek re-election in House district 82.

House district 87: Jeff Shipley, Joe Mitchell

UPDATE: I assumed Shipley would move over to run in the new House district 26, which contains part of his current territory and has no incumbent. But former State Senator Mark Chelgren announced on November 4 that he will run in that House district. I analyzed Shipley’s options and pondered a possible primary contest with Mitchell here.

House district 88: Holly Brink, Dustin Hite

Democratic incumbents placed in same district:

House district 34: Ako Abdul-Samad, Marti Anderson (she has already indicated she plans to retire in 2022)

House district 61: Timi Brown-Powers, Ras Smith (he is running for governor)

House district 74: Molly Donahue, Eric Gjerde

UPDATE: Donahue will run for the open Senate district 37. Gjerde has not decided whether to run for the House or Senate in 2022.

House district 98: Cindy Winckler, Monica Kurth

UPDATE: Winckler and Kurth confirmed that they are in conversation and won’t face off in a primary. It’s not clear which one will run for the House seat and which will run in the open Senate district 49.

LATER UPDATE: Winckler’s running in the empty Senate district 49, while Kurth will seek re-election in House district 98.

Republican/Democratic incumbent match-ups:

House district 95: David Kerr (R), Mark Cisneros (R), Dennis Cohoon (D) (Cohoon could move into the open House district 99)

UPDATE: Although he wasn’t paired up with another incumbent, Republican State Representative Charlie McClintock announced that he will run in the open Senate district 42 in 2022, rather that for re-election in the new House district 83. That leaves House district 83 (covering much of Linn County outside the Cedar Rapids metro) without an incumbent.

Has your state representative or senator commented publicly on where they plan to run in 2022? Please contact Laura Belin with details.

The post First look at finalized Iowa maps, with incumbent match-ups appeared first on Bleeding Heartland.

The Iowa Senate convened for its 2022 session on January 10 with 32 Republicans and eighteen Democrats. Twelve senators are women (seven Democrats and five Republicans), up from eleven women in the chamber prior to the 2020 election and double the six women senators who served prior to the 2018 election.

I enclose below details on the majority and minority leadership teams, along with all chairs, vice chairs, and members of standing Iowa Senate committees. Where relevant, I’ve mentioned changes since last year’s legislative session. The biggest change: Republican Dave Rowley was elected in December to succeed Republican Zach Whiting, who resigned to take a job in Texas.

All current state senators are white. The only African American ever to serve in the Iowa Senate was Tom Mann, elected to two terms during the 1980s. No Latino has ever served in the chamber, and Iowa’s only Asian-American senator was Swati Dandekar, who resigned in 2011.

Some non-political trivia: the 50 Iowa senators include two Smiths, a Democrat and a Republican, and two Taylors, a Democrat and a Republican. As for first names, there are three Jeffs and two men each named Zach, Craig, Mark, Dan, Jim, and Tim.

Four of the last six general elections in Iowa were GOP waves, as you can see from the large number of Republican senators with relatively little seniority.

Senate Republicans

First elected in 2004: Brad Zaun

First elected in 2010: Roby Smith

First elected in a 2011 special election: Jack Whitver

First elected in 2012: Dennis Guth, Jake Chapman, Amy Sinclair, Ken Rozenboom, Dan Zumbach

First elected in a 2013 special election: Julian Garrett (following three years service in the Iowa House)

First elected in 2014: Tom Shipley, Jason Schultz (six years in Iowa House), Tim Kraayenbrink

First elected in a 2014 special election: Mark Costello

First elected in 2016: Waylon Brown, Dan Dawson, Jeff Edler, Craig Johnson, Mark Lofgren

First elected in a 2017 special election: Jim Carlin

First elected in a 2018 special election: Annette Sweeney

First elected in the 2018 general election: Chris Cournoyer, Carrie Koelker, Zach Nunn

First elected in 2020: Dawn Driscoll, Craig Williams, Mike Klimesh, Jeff Reichman, Jeff Taylor, Tim Goodwin, Jesse Green

First elected in 2021 special elections: Adrian Dickey, Dave Rowley

Senate Democrats

First elected in 1998: Joe Bolkcom

First elected in a 2002 special election: Amanda Ragan

First elected in 2002: Bill Dotzler (six years in Iowa House), Herman Quirmbach

First elected in 2006: Rob Hogg (four years in Iowa House)

First elected in 2008: Pam Jochum (sixteen years in Iowa House)

First elected in a 2011 special election: Liz Mathis

First elected in 2012: Janet Petersen (twelve years in Iowa House)

First elected in 2014: Tony Bisignano (six years in Iowa House and four in Iowa Senate during 1980s and 1990s), Kevin Kinney

First elected in 2016: Nate Boulton

First elected in a 2016 special election: Jim Lykam (fourteen years in Iowa House)

First elected in 2018: Claire Celsi, Jackie Smith, Todd Taylor, Zach Wahls

First elected in a 2019 special election: Eric Giddens

First elected in 2020: Sarah Trone Garriott

Iowa Senate Republican leadership team

Jack Whitver remains majority leader, having served in that role since March 2018, when his predecessor Bill Dix resigned in disgrace. He represents Senate district 19, covering Ankeny and other parts of northern Polk County.

Jake Chapman remains the Senate president, the second-ranking position in the majority caucus. He was elected in 2020 to a third term in Senate district 10, covering most of Dallas County, a little bit of Polk and Cass counties, and all of Adair and Guthrie Counties.

Brad Zaun is the longest-serving member of the GOP Senate caucus and the president pro tempore. He was elected to a fifth term in 2020 in Senate district 20, representing some of the suburbs northwest of Des Moines in Polk County.

Amy Sinclair returns as majority whip. She was elected in 2020 to her third term in Senate district 14, covering Clarke, Decatur, Lucas, and Wayne counties, along with most of Marion County and part of Jasper County. Following the 2016 election, Sinclair was the only woman in the 29-member Republican caucus, but she has four female colleagues now.

Three of the four assistant majority leaders are the same as last year.

• Chris Cournoyer was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 49, covering Clinton County and part of Scott County.
• Carrie Koelker was elected for the first time in 2018 in Senate district 29, covering Jackson County and Dubuque County outside the city of Dubuque.
• Mark Lofgren won a second term in 2020 and represents Senate district 46, covering parts of Muscatine and Scott Counties. He previously served four years in the Iowa House.

The new assistant majority leader is Waylon Brown, who replaces Zach Whiting. He was first elected in 2016 and represents Senate district 26, covering Worth, Mitchell, Howard, Floyd, and Chickasaw counties, and small areas in Winneshiek and Cerro Gordo counties.

Iowa Senate Democratic leadership team

Zach Wahls remains minority leader, chosen in November 2020. He was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 37, covering parts of Johnson County, all of Cedar County, and the city of Wilton in Muscatine County.

Amanda Ragan remains minority whip. She is serving her fourth term and represents Senate district 27, which includes Mason City and most of Cerro Gordo County as well as Franklin County and most of Butler County.

The five assistant minority leaders all served in that role last year.

• Bill Dotzler is serving his fifth term and represents Senate district 31, covering a large area in Waterloo in Black Hawk County.
• Nate Boulton was elected to a second term in 2020 and represents Senate district 16, covering much of eastern Des Moines in Polk County.
• Pam Jochum was Senate president when Democrats were last in the majority. She is serving her third term and represents Senate district 50, covering Dubuque.
• Herman Quirmbach is serving his fourth term and represents Senate district 23, covering Ames and some rural areas in Story County.
• Jackie Smith was elected to her first term in 2018 and represents Senate district 7, covering much of Sioux City in Woodbury County.

Iowa Senate Standing Commitees

Agriculture

Chair: Dan Zumbach represents Senate district 48, covering Delaware County and parts of Jones, Linn, and Buchanan counties.

Vice Chair: Annette Sweeney represents Senate district 25, covering Hardin and Grundy counties and parts of Story and Butler counties.

Ranking member: Kevin Kinney was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 39, covering Washington and Keokuk counties and a large area in Johnson County.

Other members: Ken Rozenboom (R), Jeff Edler (R), Tom Shipley (R), Dawn Driscoll (R), Jesse Green (R), Mark Costello (R), Amanda Ragan (D), Zach Wahls (D), Liz Mathis (D), Jackie Smith (D)

Appropriations

Chair: Tim Kraayenbrink was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 5, covering Calhoun, Humboldt, and Pocahontas counties, as well as most of Webster County.

Vice Chair: Mark Lofgren (see above)

Ranking member: Joe Bolkcom is serving his sixth term and represents Senate district 43, covering most of Iowa City in Johnson County.

Other members: Carrie Koelker (R), Julian Garrett (R), Dennis Guth (R), Jeff Edler (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Mike Klimesh (R), Mark Costello (R), Jeff Reichman (R), Craig Williams (R), Craig Johnson (R), Claire Celsi (D), Janet Petersen (D), Bill Dotzler (D), Todd Taylor (D), Liz Mathis (D), Jackie Smith (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Appropriations Subcommittees

Administration and Regulation

Chair: Dennis Guth was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 4, covering Emmet, Kossuth, Winnebago, Hancock, and Wright counties.

Vice Chair: Dan Zumbach (see above)

Ranking member: Claire Celsi was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 21, covering parts of Des Moines, West Des Moines, and Cumming in Polk and Warren counties.

Other members: Tim Goodwin (R), Eric Giddens (D)

Agriculture/Natural Resources

Chair: Ken Rozenboom was first elected in 2012 and represents Senate district 40, covering Mahaska, Monroe, and Appanoose Counties, and parts of Marion and Wapello Counties.

Vice Chair: Tom Shipley was first elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 11, covering Adams and Union counties, most of Cass County, and most of Pottawattamie County outside the Council Bluffs city limits.

Ranking member: Liz Mathis was first elected in a 2011 special election and just won her third full term in Senate district 34, covering some surburban areas in Linn County.

Other members: Craig Williams (R), Kevin Kinney (D)

Economic Development

Chair: Carrie Koelker (see above) Last year Mark Lofgren was chair.

Vice Chair: Jeff Reichman was first elected in 2020 to represent Senate district 42, covering Lee and Henry Counties and parts of Jefferson and Washington counties. Last year Carrie Koelker was vice chair.

Ranking member: Bill Dotzler (see above)

Other members: Mark Lofgren (R), Rob Hogg (D)

Education

Chair: Chris Cournoyer (see above)

Vice Chair: Jesse Green was elected in 2020 for the first time in Senate district 24, covering all of Boone, Hamilton, and Greene counties and part of Webster.

Ranking member: Jackie Smith (see above)

Other members: Annette Sweeney (R), Herman Quirmbach (D)

Health and Human Services

Chair: Mark Costello was first elected in a 2014 special election to replace Joni Ernst and represents Senate district 12, covering Mills, Montgomery, Fremont, Page, Taylor, and Ringgold counties.

Vice Chair: Jeff Edler was first elected in 2016 and represents Senate district 36, covering Marshall and Tama counties and a small area in Black Hawk County.

Ranking member: Amanda Ragan (see above)

Other members: Mike Klimesh (R), Sarah Trone Garriott (D)

Justice Systems

Chair: Julian Garrett was first elected in 2013 and represents Senate district 13, covering Madison County and most of Warren County.

Vice Chair: Jim Carlin was first elected in a 2017 special election and represents Senate district 3, covering most of Plymouth County and part of Woodbury County, including the south side of Sioux City.

Ranking member: Todd Taylor served for more than 20 years in the Iowa House and was first elected in 2018 to represent Senate district 35, covering part of Cedar Rapids in Linn County.

Other members: Jeff Taylor (R), Nate Boulton (D)

Transportation, Infrastructure, and Capitals

Chair: Craig Johnson was first elected in 2016 in Senate district 32, covering Bremer County and parts of Fayette, Buchanan and Black Hawk.

Vice Chair: Dawn Driscoll was elected for the first time in 2020 and represents Senate district 38, covering Benton, Iowa and Poweshiek counties. Last year Zach Whiting was vice chair.

Ranking member: Janet Petersen was first elected to the Senate in 2012 after serving six terms in the Iowa House. She represents Senate district 18, covering parts of northern and eastern Des Moines in Polk County. Last year Jim Lykam was ranking member.

Other members: Dave Rowley (R), Jim Lykam (D)

Commerce

Chair: Jason Schultz was first elected in 2014 and represent Senate district 9, covering Ida, Monona, Harrison, and Shelby counties, along with parts of Crawford and Woodbury counties. He is the only state lawmaker who has called me a traitor.

Vice Chair: Carrie Koelker (see above)

Ranking member: Jim Lykam gave up a seat in the Iowa House in late 2016 to run for Senate district 45, covering part of Scott County.

Other members: Tim Goodwin (R), Jake Chapman (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Craig Johnson (R), Mike Klimesh (R), Zach Nunn (R), Waylon Brown (R), Craig Williams (R), Roby Smith (R), Janet Petersen (D), Tony Bisignano (D), Liz Mathis (D), Herman Quirmbach (D), Zach Wahls (D)

Education

Chair: Amy Sinclair (see above)

Vice Chair: Jeff Taylor was elected for the first time in 2020 in Senate district 2, covering Sioux, O’Brien, and Cherokee counties.

Ranking member: Herman Quirmbach (see above)

Other members: Jim Carlin (R), Tim Kraayenbrink (R), Tim Goodwin (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Chris Cournoyer (R), Craig Johnson (R), Brad Zaun (R), Claire Celsi (D), Eric Giddens (D), Jackie Smith (D), Sarah Trone Garriott (D)

Ethics

This committee has three members from each party in accordance with Iowa law.

Chair: Carrie Koelker (see above)

Vice Chair: Jim Carlin (see above)

Ranking member: Pam Jochum (see above)

Other members: Mark Costello (R), Rob Hogg (D), Kevin Kinney (D)

Government Oversight

Chair: Jason Schultz (see above)

Vice Chair: Craig Williams was elected for the first time in 2020 and represents Senate district 6, covering Buena Vista, Sac, Carroll, and Audubon counties, plus part of Crawford County.

Ranking member: Claire Celsi was elected for the first time in 2018 and represents Senate district 21, covering parts of Des Moines and West Des Moines in Polk County and the city of Cumming in Warren County.

Other members: Mark Lofgren (R), Janet Petersen (D)

Human Resources

Chair: Jeff Edler (see above)

Vice Chair: Mark Costello (see above)

Ranking member: Liz Mathis (see above)

Other members: Julian Garrett (R), Dave Rowley (R), Jesse Green (R), Craig Johnson (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Joe Bolkcom (D), Pam Jochum (D), Sarah Trone Garriott (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Judiciary

Chair: Brad Zaun (see above)

Vice Chair: Julian Garrett (see above)

Ranking member: Kevin Kinney (see above)

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Tom Shipley (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Craig Johnson (R), Jason Schultz (R), Dave Rowley (R), Jeff Taylor (R), Jeff Reichman (R), Tony Bisignano (D), Joe Bolkcom (D), Janet Petersen (D), Nate Boulton (D)

Labor and Business Relations

Chair: Adrian Dickey was first elected in a 2021 special election and represents Senate district 41, covering Davis and Van Buren counties and parts of Wapello and Jefferson counties. Last year Zach Whiting led this panel.

Vice Chair: Jesse Green (see above)

Ranking member: Nate Boulton (see above)

Other members: Dawn Driscoll (R), Dave Rowley (R), Dennis Guth (R), Jason Schultz (R), Jeff Taylor (R), Bill Dotzler (D), Todd Taylor (D), Pam Jochum (D)

Local Government

Chair: Tom Shipley (see above)

Vice Chair: Mike Klimesh was elected for the first time in 2020 and represents Senate district 28, covering all of Allamakee and Clayton counties, most of Winneshiek County, and about half of Fayette County.

Ranking member: Jackie Smith (see above)

Other members: Dawn Driscoll (R), Julian Garrett (R), Dennis Guth (R), Mark Lofgren (R), Craig Williams (R), Herman Quirmbach (D), Todd Taylor (D), Rob Hogg (D)

Natural Resources and Environment

Chair: Annette Sweeney (see above)

Vice Chair: Dawn Driscoll (see above)

Ranking member: Sarah Trone Garriott was elected for the first time in 2020 in Senate district 22, covering Windsor Heights, Clive, and part of West Des Moines in Polk County and Waukee in Dallas County.

Other members: Chris Cournoyer (R), Jesse Green (R), Tom Shipley (R), Jeff Taylor (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Dan Zumbach (R), Claire Celsi (D), Nate Boulton (D), Jim Lykam (D), Rob Hogg (D)

Rules and Administration

Chair: Jack Whitver (see above)

Vice Chair: Jake Chapman (see above)

Ranking member: Zach Wahls (see above)

Other members: Dan Zumbach (R), Waylon Brown (R), Roby Smith (R), Brad Zaun (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Joe Bolkcom (D), Amanda Ragan (D), Pam Jochum (D)

State Government

Chair: Roby Smith was first elected in 2010 and represents Senate district 47, covering parts of Scott County.

Vice Chair: Chris Cournoyer (see above)

Ranking member: Tony Bisignano was elected in 2014 and represents Senate district 17, covering parts of downtown Des Moines and the south side. He previously served six years in the state House and four years in the Senate during the 1980s and 1990s.

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Tim Goodwin (R), Dennis Guth (R), Jason Schultz (R), Carrie Koelker (R), Jeff Reichman (R), Waylon Brown (R), Craig Johnson (R), Claire Celsi (D), Eric Giddens (D), Nate Boulton (D), Pam Jochum (D)

Transportation

Chair: Waylon Brown was first elected in 2016 and represents Senate district 26, covering Worth, Howard, Mitchell, Chickasaw, and Floyd counties, plus small areas in Winneshiek and Cerro Gordo.

Vice Chair: Adrian Dickey (see above) Last year Tom Shipley held this position.

Ranking member: Eric Giddens was first elected in a 2019 special election and re-elected in 2020 in Senate district 30, covering Cedar Falls and part of Waterloo in Black Hawk County.

Other members: Dan Zumbach (R), Dawn Driscoll (R), Mike Klimesh (R), Ken Rozenboom (R), Tom Shipley (R), Carrie Koelker (R), Tony Bisignano (D), Jackie Smith (D), Todd Taylor (D), Jim Lykam (D)

Veterans Affairs

Chair: Mark Lofgren (see above) Last year Jim Carlin chaired this committee

Vice Chair: Jeff Reichman was first elected in 2020 to represent Senate district 42, covering Lee and Henry Counties and parts of Jefferson and Washington counties.

Ranking member: Eric Giddens (see above)

Other members: Dan Dawson (R), Jim Carlin (R), Jeff Edler (R), Jesse Green (R), Mark Costello (R), Liz Mathis (D), Bill Dotzler (D), Amanda Ragan (D)

Ways & Means

Chair: Dan Dawson was first elected in 2016 in Senate district 8, covering Council Bluffs and Carter Lake in Pottawattamie County.

Vice Chair: Tim Goodwin was just elected for the first time in 2020 and represents Senate district 44, covering Des Moines and Louisa counties and much of Muscatine County outside the city of Muscatine.

Ranking member: Pam Jochum (see above)

Other members: Waylon Brown (R), Jesse Green (R), Jeff Taylor (R), Brad Zaun (R), Jason Schultz (R), Roby Smith (R), Amy Sinclair (R), Annette Sweeney (R), Adrian Dickey (R), Bill Dotzler (D), Joe Bolkcom (D), Janet Petersen (D), Todd Taylor (D), Herman Quirmbach (D)

Administrative Rules Review Committee

Five Iowa House and five Iowa Senate members serve on this committee. The Senate’s five representatives on this committee are Waylon Brown (R, chair), Jesse Green (R), Julian Garrett (R), Rob Hogg (D), Pam Jochum (D, ranking member)

Top photo by Madeleine Openshaw of the Iowa Senate chamber available via Shutterstock.

The post Who’s who in the Iowa Senate for 2022 appeared first on Bleeding Heartland.